Jeywin Blog

Medicine to be taught at IIT and IIT entrance with 12th marks + aptitude test

Friday, September 10th, 2010

Union Human Resource and Development (HRD) Minister Kapil Sibal on 10.09.2010 said the Indian Institute of Technology (IITs) across the country will soon introduce new courses in medicine and even enroll foreign students as well as recruit foreign faculties at the post graduate level.

“The government has decided to seek the approval of the Medical Council of India (MCI) for the course. The IIT council meeting decided to carry out appropriate amendment in the Institute of Technologies Act to enable the IITs to offer the medicine programme,” said Sibal.

“We are making sure that wherever the instruction leads to a degree relating to any branch of medicine, then of course clearances from Medical Council of India under the Act will have to be taken,” he added.

Sibal said the council has also decided to enable IITs to recruit foreign faculties, which should not be more than 10 per cent of the total faculty strength.

“In principle, we agreed that IITs are entitled to recruiting foreign faculties. A mechanism will be set up with the help of the Home Ministry to ensure that there is no hiccup in the process and there is easy exit and entry of people,” he added, after a meeting of the IIT council.

Crack IIT entrance with 12th marks, aptitude test

Excellent chance has come to the IIT aspiring students, who struggle a lot to crack IIT entrance. Just get good marks and give aptitude test, you will get through IIT entrance soon.

Kapil Sibal, the Union Minister of Human Resource Development, announced major changes in the process of getting admission in Indian Institutes of Technology (IIT) and other engineering colleges. Class 12 marks along with an aptitude test would decide admissions into IITs, informed Sibal.

However, he also stated that modalities were still being worked out to make the changes in the admission process and no timeframe has been set for implementing the new proposals.

The Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) entrance exams needs an overhaul to discourage coaching institutes, Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal said on 10.09.2010. “The present system of coaching must go as it is detrimental to the quality of intake,” Sibal told reporters after a meeting of the council of IITs. The changes in the pattern of engineering entrance exams had been proposed by the ministry earlier as well.

A committee was formed under IIT Kharagpur director Damodar Acharya which suggested including weightage of the 12th Class result and a national level aptitude test for admission in engineering courses.

“The Acharya committee has given its report and it was widely agreed that the entrance exam system needs to be changed but it is yet to finalize how,” Sibal said.

Though a consensus could not be built on the recommendations of the Acharya report, Sibal said all members agreed on the need for a change. “There are two things. Firstly, the present system of coaching must go as it is detrimental to quality of intake; secondly, the problem of children appearing for multiple entrance exams causes financial and psychological pressure on the children and their family,” Sibal said.

The minister said there were suggestions that state-wise percentile given to students will be considered for the entrance. “We should look at the 12th level performance… otherwise students from some states may get left out,” he said.

“Weightage will be given to 12th exam marks, and that marks will be based on the performance through the year. It will automatically discourage coaching,” he said.

The minister said a committee has been formed under Science and Technology Secretary T. Ramasami and it will submit its report in three months. “After that we’ll involve all IITs and have a full discussion,” he said.

Sibal added that the IITs have said they wanted to continue with the joint entrance exam. ”The IITs don’t want to do away with the JEE but they have said that if an alternative is provided they will discuss it with their faculty,” he added.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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Interlinking of Rivers in India – the Issues and Concerns

Friday, September 10th, 2010

Saraswathi Dey

Plans for parts of the Indian Rivers Interlink were mooted in the British period. In 1972 the then Minister for Irrigation K. L. Rao proposed a 2640 kilometer long link between the Ganges and Cauvery rivers. In 1974 plans were proposed for the Garland canal. In 1982 the National Water Development Agency was set up to carry out surveys of the links and prepare feasibility studies.

The Project

The Interlink would consist of two parts, a northern Himalayan River Development component and a southern Peninsular River Development component.

Himalayan development

The northern component would consist of a series of dams built along the Ganges and Brahmaputra rivers in India, Nepal and Bhutan for the purposes of storage. Canals would be built to transfer surplus water from the eastern tributaries of the Ganges to the west. The Brahmaputra and its tributaries would be linked with the Ganges and the Ganges with the Mahanadi River. This part of the project would provide additional irrigation for about 220,000 square kilometres and generate about 30 gigawatts of electricity. In theory it would provide extra flood control in the Ganges and Brahmaputra river basins. It could also provide excess water for the controversial Farakka Barrage which could be used to flush out the silt at the port of Calcutta.

Peninsular development

The main part of the project would send water from the eastern part of India to the south and west. The southern development project would consist of four main parts. First, the Mahanadi, Godavari, Krishna and Cauvery rivers would all be linked by canals. Extra water storage dams would be built along the course of these rivers. The purpose of this would be to transfer surplus water from the Mahanadi and Godavari rivers to the south of India. Second, those rivers that flow west to the north of Bombay and the south of Tapi would be linked. Due to the irregular fluctuations in water levels in the region, as much storage capacity would be built as possible. The water would be used by the urban areas of Bombay and also to provide irrigation in the coastal areas of Maharashtra. Third the Ken and Chambal rivers would be linked in order to provide better water facilities for Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Finally a number of west-flowing rivers along the Western Ghats simply discharge into the Arabian Sea. As many of these as possible would be diverted for irrigation purposes. The Peninsular part of the project would provide additional irrigation to 130,000 square kilometres and generation an additional 4 gigawatts of power.

History

Long-distance inter-basin transfer of water has been in practice in India for over five centuries. The Periyar Project, Parambikulam-Aliyar Project, Kurnool-Cudappah Canal and the Telugu-Ganga Project are some of the examples of inter-basin water transfers executed in south India in the 19th and 20th centuries.

The Periyar Project is the most notable endeavour of the last century in trans-basin diversion. A 47.28 metre high gravity dam was constructed across a gorge on the west-flowing Periyar River. A 1740 metre long tunnel with a discharge capacity of 40.75 cubic metres was drilled across the mountain barrier to convey the waters eastwards to the Vaigai basin. The project was commissioned in 1895 and provided irrigation to 58 thousand hectares initially. This has since been extended to 81 thousand hectares. There is also a power station of 140 MW capacities.

The Parambikulam-Aliyar Project is a complex multi-basin multipurpose project. Seven streams-five flowing westward and two towards the east- have been dammed and their reservoirs interlinked by tunnels. The water is ultimately delivered to the drought-prone areas in the Coimbatore district of Tamil Nadu and the Chittur area of Kerala. The project has a command area of 1.62 lakh hectares with 185 MW of power generation capacity.

The Kurnool-Cuddappah canal is 304 km long with a capacity of 84.9 cubic metres extending from the Krishna to the Pennar basin for irrigating an area of 53 thousand hectares of land. The Telugu-Ganga Project brings the Krishna waters from the Srisailam reservoir through an open canal to Somasila reservoir in the Pennar valley. From Somasila the water is taken through a 45 km long canal. By agreement among the riparian States 12 thousand metric cubic metres (TMC) of water will be delivered to Tamil Nadu to increase the water supply to Chennai.

Similarly in Himachal Pradesh, inter sub-basin transfers in the Indus basin and the Rajasthan Canal is some of the projects executed in the 19th and 20th centuries. A diversion dam, Pandoh, 140 km upstream of Pong on the Beas River enables the diversion of its water to the Bhakra reservoir and generates 165 MW of power on the way. The Beas-Sutlej link is 37.25 km long. Of this, 25.45 km passes in tunnel through difficult rock formations. The Rajasthan Canal Project diverts water from the Himalayas to the deserts of Rajasthan. The project comprises of a huge multipurpose project constructed across the Beas River at Pong, a barrage at Harike and a Grand Canal system. Executed both in the southern and northern parts of our country these projects have been highly beneficial and have not caused any noticeable environmental damage.

The USA, which is water-rich and scarcely populated, is transferring 45 billion cubic metres (BCM) of water through inter-basin transfer and plans to add 376 BCM. In Canada the existing schemes are designed to transfer 268 BCM. In comparison, India is transferring 10 BCM through the existing schemes and has plans to add about 200 BCM. China has a scheme under implementation which will transfer about 45 BCM. This indicates that India is already late in implementing the water transfer links.

Present Proposals

In India 30 links have been identified as technically feasible and economically viable on the basis of pre-feasibility studies. These are: Mahanadi (Manibhadra – Godavari (Dowlaiswaram) link, Godavari (Inchampalli Low Dam) – Krishna link, Godavari (Inchampalli) – Krishna (Nagarjunasagar) link, Godavari (Polavaram) – Krishna (Vijayawada) link, Krishna (Almatti) – Pennar link, Krishna (Srisailam)- Pennar link, Krishna (Nagarjunasagar) – Pennar (Somasila) link, Pennar (Somasila) –Cauvery (Grand Anicut) link, Cauvery (Kattalsi)- Vaigai-Gundar link, Ken-Belwa link, Parbati-Kalisindh-Chambal link, Par-Tapti-Narmada link, Damanganga-Pinjal link, Bedti-Varda link, Netravati-Hemavati link and Pamba-Achankovil-Vaippar link.

Similarly, based on various water balance studies carried out for the Himalayan component, the link proposals identified for preparation of feasibility reports include the Manas-Sankosh-Tista-Ganga link, Kosi-Ghagra link, Ghagra-Yamuna link, Sarda-Yamuna link, Yamuna-Rajasthan link, Rajastan-Sabarmati link, Chunar-Sone Barrage link, Sone Dam – Southern Tributaries of Ganga link, Ganga-Damodar-Subernarekha link, Subernarekha-Mahanadi link, Kosi-Mechi link, Farakka-Sunderbans link, and Jogigopa-Tista-Farakka link.

Advantages of Interlinking

Interlinking of rivers in India is expected to greatly reduce the regional imbalance in the availability of water in different river basins. Surplus water which flows waste to the sea would be fruitfully utilized. It is assessed that the inter-linking of rivers will provide additional irrigation benefits to 35 million hectares (Mha) -25 Mha from surface water and an additional 10 Mha from increased ground water recharge- which will be over and above the ultimate irrigation potential of 140 Mha envisaged from the conventional irrigation projects.

Construction of storage dams as proposed will considerably reduce the severity of floods and the resultant damages. The flood peaks are estimated to come down by about 20 to 30 per cent in the Ganga and Brahmaputra basins.

The benefits of drought mitigation from inter-basin water transfers will accrue to an area of about 25 lakh hectares in West Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.

Hydro power could also be generated on a massive scale by the storage dams proposed under the interlinking of rivers. Hydro power development has not kept pace with the potential and requirement in our country. Against a potential of 84,000 MW, only about 22,000 MW capacity for hydro power generation has been developed so far. For an efficient working of electrical energy generating system, the mix of thermal to hydro should be about 60:40. In our country it is about 75:25. The storage dams proposed under interlinking of rivers will greatly improve this situation. The total hydro power potential of the interlinking systems is estimated to be 34,000 MW.

Most of the mega cities and urban centres in our country are already suffering from water shortages. Many of the metropolitan cities depend upon long-distance inter-basin transfer of water for their domestic and industrial water supply. Delhi gets parts of its water supplies from the Ganga and Sutlej, while Mumbai gets water from Vaitama and Batsai, over 100 km away. Water supply in Chennai is being increased from Srisailam on the Krishna river which is 500 km away. A major part of the future requirements of big cities will have to be met from long-distance inter-basin transfer of water. In the link proposals under study, water supply to Mumbai and Delhi and many other villages and habitations enroute the link canals are proposed to be raised.

Perspective

India, with its geographical area of 329 million hectares but consisting of only 2.45 per cent of the earth’s land mass, supports a population of about 1027 million as per the 2001 census. This is about 16 per cent of the global population. The renewable fresh water resources of India at 1869 billion cubic metres (BCM) per year is only about 4 per cent of the earth’s fresh water resources. Thus the average Indian has hardly one-sixth of land and one-fourth of water as compared to the world average. In view of the severe disparity in regard to water and land, its optimal use is essential to ensure a comfortable living for the people of India.

There are more inequities in the distribution of the water resources. The total renewable water resources as of the year 2001 correspond to about 1820 kilo litres (KL) of water per person per year. The population of India is expected to stabilize at around 1500-1800 million by 2050 when the per capita availability of water would further come down to nearly 60 per cent of the availability as in 2001. At that time, the per capita availability in the Brahmaputra basin would still be around 9000 KL and in the Sabarmati basin below 200 KL. This is against the minimum requirement of 1000 KL per person per year.

In view of the large variations in rainfall over space and time, the country experiences frequent floods in some parts and severe droughts in some others. Floods are a recurring feature particularly in the Brahmaputra and Ganga rivers which carry 60 per cent of the water resources of our country. Flood damages, which were of the order of Rs. 52 crore in 1953, went up to Rs. 5846 crore in 1998 with an annual average of Rs. 1343 crore, affecting Assam, Bihar, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh besides causing untold human sufferings. On the other hand, large areas in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu face recurring droughts.

It is expected that by 2050, India would need about 450 million tonnes of food grains. In order to attain this target, it would be necessary to increase the irrigation potential under all-food crops by 2050.

Most of the link canals will be 50 to 100 metres wide and more than 6 metres deep. That would greatly facilitate inland navigation from the north to down south. A boost to fresh water fisheries is also expected as a result of the programme. Apart from these benefits, guaranteed minimum flows in the rivers will enhance ecology and environment.

Benefits and Pitfalls in all areas

Agriculture:
The projected benefit in terms of agriculture include 25 million hectares of irrigation from surface water, 10 million hectares by increased use of ground water, totaling to 35million hectares which will be over and above the ultimate irrigation potential of 140 million hectares. India has one of the lowest yields of cereals at 2134kg/hectare of land. Hence expanding the irrigated land area is only one way of increasing food production. Another way may be changes in farming technology, the kind of crops grown (generally hybrid varieties use more water than the indigenous varieties), better management of available land and water. Indiscriminate irrigation over a period of time can also lead to problems like water logging and rise in salinity in soil. Hence, besides increasing the area under irrigation, implementation of mixed agriculture and other such techniques of sustainable agriculture need to be emphasized on.

Power
It is estimated that net 34,000 MW of hydro-power will be generated as a result of this project. But this figure is a little hard to believe because in most cases of inter basin transfer, it is understood that the requirement for pumping water across basins exceeds that produced by tapping the potential energy of the water. The pumping energy requirement is exceptionally high in this case as water will be pumped across the entire length and breadth of the country.

Flood Control and Drought Mitigation

While flood control is one of the major motivations behind this idea, it is now generally acknowledged that big dams play only a modest role in flood moderation. Flood cushion tends to get eaten into by the more powerful demands of irrigation and power generation. The safety of structures sometimes necessitates the release of waters causing ‘man-made’ floods downstream. Reliance needs to shift from structural to non structural measures for the purpose of flood control. Floods in moderation have certain benefits too. They are a free source of minerals for the land, help in recharging groundwater resources, help in conservation of biological diversity, give bumper harvests, flush out silt from riverbeds to deltas, prevent intrusion of saline water from the Sea and most importantly wash out saline deposits on the top soil. So what has been termed as ‘surplus’ is not really surplus? It is performing salient functions which are extremely important for the preservation of ecological balance and is helpful for the farmers.

The project aims at mitigating drought by transferring water from ‘surpluses to ‘deficit’ areas. The problem of drought is something that we have a solution to already in the form of rainwater harvesting structures. The success stories are numerous and so are the solutions implemented. Also, even if the Linking of rivers project is implemented, it will take water to only a fraction of the drought prone areas, large parts of rain fed areas will remain unaffected.

Inland Navigation

It has been proposed that some of the canals will be opened for inland navigation. It will not only connect the North with the South but will also lead to multiple economic benefits and substantial saving in terms of imported fossil fuel. The cost of this set up will amount to about 24 billion usd.

Cost
The national water development agency has estimated a budget of 112 billion usd at 2002 prices for the entire project. However, it is estimated and accepted widely that the cost may go up to 200 billion usd. Other sources cite that large projects have had cost overruns in the region of 400-500%. Apart from estimated cost, recurring expenditure would be incurred in maintenance of dams, de silting reservoirs, relining canals and creating artificial drainage where needed. External costs like those arising from harm done to the environment, ecology, wildlife and social costs have not been taken into account.

The estimated cost itself represents 20% of India’s Gross Domestic Product, 2.5 times the annual tax collection, 2 times the foreign exchange reserves and equals the amount spent on irrigation in the last 44 years. According to the Government’s Economic Survey for 2001-02, this amount is higher than the Gross domestic savings, and also the total outstanding external debt of the country. The total pending cost for incomplete major, medium and minor irrigation projects sum up to 30 billion usd.

The above numbers imply that the cost of the project is huge and the burden arising from it will have to be borne by the government and the people for a very long time. Starting a project of this magnitude, when there are so many incomplete projects trying to solve the same purpose are pending, seems impractical.

Criticism of Interlinking

The idea of interlinking the rivers of India was actually cited by President Kalam in 2002 and pushed by Chief Justice Kirpal. River basin management in the context of gigantic water planning is discussed in national and international laws. Inter river transfer has come under criticism since the Irrigation Commission of British days, and plans such as Captain Dastur’s “garland canal” rejected decades ago, even when big dams were in full swing. Interlinking rivers was rejected in the nineties by the centre, on advice of experts and bureaucrats such as Dr. M.S. Reddy.

The basic aspects of each river basin, including catchment area treatment, command area development, benchmark survey of the affected population, impacts of the reservoir and canal system on farmers, and fisheries, and public health should be studied. Environmental Impact Assessment will be inevitable. Compensatory and mitigatory plans must be rationally conceived. The River Valley Guidelines (1983) discuss environmental and social impacts due to transfer of water and people beyond suitability. Unless these become part of the project planning, they are neither considered nor dealt with.

Struggles in the Narmada Valley and on other projects pushed due to political expediency without complete appraisal, have brought out the seriousness of large scale displacement as well as impacts on and injustice to the proposed beneficiaries. Basic questions demand investigation. Will such a linking of rivers actually prevent drought? Or merely transfer drought? What will be the extent of displacement, and provisions for rehabilitation? Canals also displace. In the Sardar Sarovar project, 1,50,000 landholders stand to lose land due to the canal network, of whom 23,500 will lose more than 25% of their land, and 2,000 will become landless. None is considered project-affected nor eligible for rehabilitation.

For intra-river basin transfers, the principle of subsidiarity requires that water be harnessed from where it first drops. The whole crisis of water management today is due to total neglect of water harvesting, either because it is considered peripheral or to be a non-replicable, non-profitable micro-level experiment.

Therefore we see the destruction of cultures, communities, and ecosystems, creating conflicts between states, as in Cauvery, and between state and people, as in Narmada. Conflicts are dealt with more politically than scientifically.

As our national highways have become conveyor belts for enormously polluting noxious emissions, the huge interlink threatens to become an open sewage garlanding India. The canals, designed for carrying irrigation waters rather than large peak flows, will not be sufficient to control or divert floods in the northern states but will transfer silt. Several large dams built to provide the head and storage required to supply the canals will permanently submerge fertile lands, forests, village communities and towns, leaving millions of people displaced or dispossessed. Any attempt to obtain full information, question impacts and demand just compensation requires sacrifice by communities living on the natural resources.

Political Consensus

This project will involve coordination between not just States but also countries. Dams will need to be built in Nepal and Bhutan, in order to store the surplus water and later divert it to deficit regions. Water that flows into Bangladesh will now be diverted from upstream by India. Both Nepal and Bangladesh have not been taken into confidence regarding the project as of now. This has the potential of future conflict with these countries. This could also lead to a conflict between India and China in the future as China controls the flow of water in the Brahmaputra, Indus and Sutlej Rivers. China is considering a proposal to build a dam on Yarlung Tsangpo (which becomes Brahma putra in India) which will generate 40000 megawatts of energy (more than twice generated by the Three Gorges dam). If this project goes through, the entire equation of ‘surplus’ and ‘deficit’ in India will change. This project and other similar grand projects being planned by China have the capacity to completely throw India’s plans off the mark.

Within India, a number of interstate conflicts over water, remain unresolved for decades now (for example the Cauvery Tribunal). The Interlinking project, which runs canal from almost every state of India, could become a major source of contention between the Sates rather than uniting them.

Concept of Surplus and Deficit and unknowns in the study of environmental impact

Looking at this project from a reductionist view, the concept of transferring water from surplus to deficit regions and creating a win-win situation sounds perfect. But if we look at it from a holistic point of view, every drop of water performs some ecological service at all times. The ecosystems have evolved over a period of thousands of years to make optimum use of the water available. Hence, any amount of water diverted from or to a region will cause damage proportional to the amount diverted. There is no thing as ‘surplus’ water from the holistic point of view.

Water from rivers flowing into the Aral Sea, which was seemingly going waste, was diverted on a large scale from these rivers for irrigation purposes. This led to a boom in the agricultural sector and prosperity in the region in the short term, but in the long run, the salinity of the sea increased manifold, making the water unfit for any kind of human use, also effecting the aquatic flora and fauna. This has led to the collapse of the economies in the area.

It is estimated that this project will upgrade the ecology due to minimum flow guarantee in rivers. The forest cover is expected to increase from 13% to 33%. At the same time, the dams that will need to be built will cause submergence of thousands of hectares of virgin forests.

Rehabilitation
From a humanitarian perspective, millions of people will be forcibly displaced by this project. A sound rehabilitation and resettlement program for these people needs to be put in place. It has been estimated that 21-56 million people have been displaced by large dams over the past 50 years in India, 40% of them tribal people. Less than 50% of those displaced were rehabilitated. The submergence of land has been 2 to 3 times of that originally estimated in these projects. The displaced are people who had lived in rural areas or forests all their lives and that is the way of living they have known. Even if they are rehabilitated, will they be ever able to resettle? They are the ones, who are paying the price, are they the ones who are benefiting from the project?

The 9th plan document laments that against the national per capita (based on 1991 census) annual availability of 2214 cubic metres of water, the average availability in Brahmaputra river basin is as high as 18470 cu.m while it is as low as 383 cu.m in the east flowing rivers between Pennar and Kanyakumari transfer of river waters. NDA in its manifesto promised interlinking of rivers.

Thereafter in 1974 Captain Dastur suggested a canal known as Garland canal. In July 1982 National Water Development Agency was created to carry out surveys and prepare feasibility reports. In September 1987 the National Water Policy stated that its prime goal is to interlink national rivers. Over all these years none of the feasibility report is made public nor the interlinking of rivers has been undertaken even in a phased manner

The national Water Development agency is only collecting the data offered by various state governments and compiling them into reports. Even to do that the agency seems to be having 2010 as the time frame to complete all feasibility studies. Moreover like previous proposals this may also be jettisoned citing similar reasons or fresh excuses. Thereafter after 2010, India is expected to go for global tenders to make a study of this project and all will be back to square one in 21st century too.

The project prepared by the National Water Development Agency has two components namely Himalayan Rivers Development Component and Peninsular Rivers Development component. Himalayan Rivers Development envisages construction of storage reservoirs on the principal tributaries of the Ganga and the Brahmaputra in India, Nepal, and Bhutan, along with interlinking canal systems to transfer surplus flows of the eastern tributaries of the Ganga to the West, apart from linking of the main Brahmaputra and its tributaries with the Ganga and Ganga with Mahanadi. The Himalayan component would provide additional irrigation of about 22 million hectare and generation of about 30 million KW of hydropower, besides providing substantial flood control in the Ganga & Brahmaputra basins. It would also provide the necessary discharge for augmentation of flows at Farakka required interalia to flush the Calcutta port and the inland navigation facilities across the country.

Peninsular Rivers Development

This component is divided into four major parts.

Interlinking of Mahanadi-Godavari-Krishna-Cauvery Rivers and building storages at potential sites in these basins.

This is the major interlinking of the river systems where surpluses from the Mahanadi and the Godavari are intended to be transferred to the needy areas in the South.

Interlinking of west flowing rivers, north of Bombay and south of Tapi

This scheme envisages construction of as much optimal storage as possible on these streams and interlinking them to make available appreciable quantum of water for transfer to areas where additional water is needed. The scheme provides for taking water supply canal to the metropolitan areas of Bombay; it also provides irrigation to the coastal areas in Maharashtra.

Interlinking of Ken-Chambal Rivers

The scheme provides for a water grid for Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh and interlinking canal backed by as much storage as possible.

Diversion of other west flowing rivers

Heavy rainfall on the western side of the Western Ghats runs down numerous streams, which empty, into the Arabian Sea.

Construction of an interlinking canal system backed up by adequate storages could be planned to meet all requirements of Kerala as also for transfer of some waters towards east to meet the needs of drought affected areas. The peninsular Component is expected to provide additional irrigation of about 13 million hectare and is expected to generate about 4 million KW of power.

While rivers that flow through different countries had benefited such countries with mutual agreements on water sharing, some Indian states prefer waters to be emptied in oceans instead of benefiting fellow Indians.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Shiney Ahuja Controversy and volte face by the maid

Friday, September 10th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

Shiney Ahuja (born 15 May 1973) is an Indian actor, who won Filmfare Best Debut Award for Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi in 2006. Shiney Ahuja was born in New Delhi. His father was in the Indian army. His early schooling was at St. Xavier’s School, Ranchi. He then studied at The Army Public School, Dhaula Kuan, New Delhi. His initial plans were to join the armed forces. While studying at Hansraj College University of Delhi from 1992-1996, he was attracted to Theater and joined the Barry Johns Acting School in Delhi. Sometime after 1996, he moved to Mumbai.

The film won Shiney Ahuja rave reviews and was viewed as one of the best films of that year. In 2006 Ahuja was awarded Best male debut by Filmfare Awards, Screen Awards, IIFA Awards, Zee Cine Awards and Stardust Awards for his performance. He however grew more familiar with mainstream audiences with Karam (2005), where he starred alongside John Abraham and Priyanka Chopra. He played lead role in the popular movie Mahesh Bhatt’s Gangster. He acted in the filmed life story of Parveen Babi and Mahesh Bhatt “Woh Lamhe” in the year 2006 opposite Kangana Ranaut. The film was appreciated for its screenplay, Kangana’s acting and the music by Pritam.

Shiney Ahuja is married to Anupam Ahuja. They have a daughter named Arshiya, born in 2007.

Case against Shiney Ahuja

On 15th June 2009, the Oshiwara police on Sunday evening detained Bollywood actor Shiney Ahuja for questioning in connection with a rape case. Ahuja’s teenaged domestic maid lodged an FIR against the actor alleging that he had raped her while they were alone at the actor’s flat.

The 18-year-old maid (name withheld), said police sources, had been working with Ahuja for the last one-and-a-half months since she made the complaint. The complainant told the police that she had come for domestic work to Ahuja’s flat. The actor’s wife was not at home. She claimed that at that time the actor had molested her. The complainant told the police that she was traumatised after the incident and went to her relatives’ place who along with the girl then approached the police station. This was stated by the DCP Niket Kaushik.

Soon after the complaint was registered, the girl was sent to the Nagpada police hospital for a medical examination. A preliminary medical check-up hours after the alleged rape showed she had been sexually violated.  A detailed medical report from Nagpada Hospital showed injuries.  And a  DNA test confirmed the accusation. A police team went to Ahuja’s flat and called him for inquiry.

While he initially maintained that whatever had happened was consensual, Shiney Ahuja finally confessed to committing the horrendous act of raping his 18-year-old domestic help. The actor completely broke down after the medical reports confirmed that the maid has been raped; seeing no way out he then confessed to his crime.

He said that he told her to stay mum. He was confident that she would tell none of the incident and he was ready to give her whatever she wanted to make sure that she would keep quiet. He claimed that he had made a grave mistake.

In custody, Shiney was said to be in a remorseful state. Shockingly, Ahuja during the interrogation reportedly told police that it never occurred to him that the crime he was committing was “so much serious”.

His wife Anupam claimed that her husband was being framed as she came out in his defence yesterday.

The actor spent three months in jail and was granted bail in October 2009. Throughout the case, there have also been rumours that Shiney has been framed and was a victim of blackmail himself.

September 2010

But in a shocking turn-around, the woman who worked as domestic help for actor Shiney Ahuja has denied in court that the actor raped her. The 18-year-old says her aunt bullied her into accusing Ahuja of rape in June, 2009.   The domestic help has told the court that she lodged the police complaint against Shiney after the woman who got her the job with the Ahujas asked her to do so.

The police say that the domestic help’s latest statement contradicts what investigations have revealed. A preliminary medical check-up hours after the alleged rape showed she had been sexually violated.

The public prosecutor says that the domestic help has been declared a hostile witness, and the trial will continue. Medical reports and the statements of other witnesses will serve as evidence.

Ahuja’s wife has argued consistently that the actor has been framed and that the rape case was an extortion attempt.

Following media reports about the complainant who accused actor Shiney Ahuja of raping her turning hostile, lawyers say she is liable to be prosecuted for perjury. The victim has made a statement before the magistrate under section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), which is admissible in court unless proven involuntary.

The trial is being conducted in-camera before the Sewri fast track court.  In-camera trial refers to a case where the court bars the media from reporting about the case as per section 327 of the CrPC, applicable in sensitive cases like rape.

Advocate Majeed Memon said that the victim’s statement under oath has been recorded under section 164 of the CrPC at the investigation stage. That would mean two versions on oath from the same witness diagonally opposite. Both can never be true. One is bound to be false. Hence, she is liable for prosecution under perjury.

Police officers, however, claim that their case against Ahuja is watertight, despite the complainant’s alleged retraction from her earlier statement. Deputy Commissioner of police (zone IX) KMM Prasanna said the victim’s statement was recorded under section 164 of the CrPC, along with at least four other witnesses.

The witnesses then reportedly encouraged her to lodge a complaint with the police.

Lawyers, however, are cynical.  Memon said the victim’s deposition before the court will hold more weight than the one before the magistrate.

The maid’s volte-face came during trial last month when the ‘victim’ who was being cross-examined for a day identified Ahuja in the court and said she worked at his residence as a domestic help. But when asked about the incident, she said it never happened and that she was never raped.

However, the prosecution is confident that this will not be a major setback given the strong medical evidence supporting her initial allegations. Ahuja’s defence, too, asserted it was unlikely that the case would end based solely on the maid’s statement. Even legal experts are of the opinion that the prosecution can move forward with the case by providing other evidence.

After the victim’s cross-examination, Ahuja’s neighbour who accompanied the maid to lodge a police complaint gave a testimony in court. The prosecution will now continue presenting other evidence.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

UPSC Civil Service Aspirants stage protest

Wednesday, September 8th, 2010

Scores of civil service aspirants on 08.09.2010 staged a protest outside UPSC office in New Delhi demanding that cut-off marks for the preliminary examinations be made public.

Some protesters also continued their indefinite hunger strike at Jantar Mantar on the same issue, which began on four days ago.

The aspirants marched towards UPSC building near India Gate on the afternoon of 8.9.2010 and pasted posters there demanding transparency in the functioning of UPSC with regard to civil services examinations.  “We demand that the cut-off marks be made public for the preliminary examinations, the results of which were published recently,” Anay Mishra, one of the protesters, said.

Dissatisfied with the evaluation process of the Union Public Service Commission, members of a student body, Youth for Justice, held a protest outside the commission on 8.09.2010. They demanded more transparency in the evaluation process of the UPSC.

The protesters submitted an RTI application to know the process through which “scaling” of a candidate is done — through scaling marks of students are reduced or increased arbitrarily.

Around 75 students, who took part in the protest, complained that the UPSC never reveals the process of scaling, unlike in some state level civil services exams. The state level exams, the students said, are more transparent.

The Youth for Justice has been demanding more transparency in the UPSC evaluation process since 2006. Today’s protest was planned after some 200 UPSC aspirants expressed concern over the schedule of the interviews, to be held later this month.

A student Vishal Vasvani said candidates who did well and were selected for various posts were given below average feedback in their interviews in the previous years.

Another member of the group, Ashwini, said he has names of over 40 students who haven’t got the interview calls despite making it to the interview last year. “People who have taken the exam more than 2-3 times are not getting any call, though they are the ones preparing since years,” he said.

Ashwini said the UPSC is “trying to escape from revealing information under the Right to Information Act”. “But we will seek justice not only for us, but for those who may appear in the exam in the coming years,” he said.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Cauvery River Dispute – Is it a threat to National Integrity?

Monday, September 6th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

History

This is not a dispute which has arisen recently. The sharing of waters of the river Cauvery has been the bone of contention of a serious conflict between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The Cauvery River originates in the Brahmagiri ranges of Kodagu district flows through large parts of Tamil Nadu and also some parts of Kerala and Pondicherry.  No attempt was made to utilise its waters for irrigation until 1883 when the Diwan of the princely state of Mysore launched a scheme. His primary aim was to increase the revenue to the King’s coffers. This move was resented by the Madras presidency under the British Raj. Thus began the Cauvery dispute which is yet to be solved.

Mysore’s plans to revive the irrigation projects met with resistance from the Madras Presidency. Mysore state made a representation to the then British government as a result of which, a conference was held in 1890 with the objective of agreeing “…on the principles of a modus vivendi, which would on the one hand allow to Mysore reasonable freedom in dealing with her irrigation works, and on the other, give to Madras practical security against injury to her interests” and eventually the Agreement of 1892 was signed There was some respite after two rounds of talks between the Mysore state and Madras presidency in 1892 and 1924. Mysore was permitted to construct a dam in Kannambadi village to impound 44.8 thousand million cubic feet of water. The dam was planned to be built in two stages. In the first stage a capacity of 11 TMC was envisioned, while in the second stage the full capacity was set to be realized. Madras however, refused to give its consent for this move as it had its own plans to build a storage dam at Mettur with a capacity of 80 TMC.

Madras had what is called prescriptive rights over the upper riparian state of Mysore. Malabar district was then part of the Madras presidency. Malabar is now part of Kerala, and Kerala too has joined the Cauvery fray. As per this agreement, Mysore was required to obtain Madras’ consent for any new irrigation reservoirs across any of the main rivers it wished to utilize and share information on any new irrigation scheme it wished to undertake to utilize the waters

After a reference to the Government of India, permission was accorded to Mysore, but for a reduced storage of 11TMC. During construction, however, the foundation was laid to suit the earlier desired full storage. This raised Madras’ hackles and the dispute continued. As a result, the then British Government of India referred the matter to arbitration under Rule IV of the 1892 Agreement. The Cauvery dispute thus had come up for arbitration for the first time

The agreement also stipulated that Mysore was not to increase its area under irrigation more than 110,000 beyond what was already existing acres while the same cap for Madras Presidency was pegged at 301000|acre|km2. Nonetheless, Madras still appealed against the award and negotiations continued. Finally an agreement was arrived at in 1924 and a couple of minor agreements were also signed in 1929 and 1933. The 1924 agreement was set to lapse after a run of 50 years. As a result of these agreements, Karnataka claims that Mysore was forced to give up rights

The 1924 Agreement

The 1924 agreement was valid for 50 years, after which there was to be a review. It stipulated that Mysore could undertake any extension of irrigation by impounding Cauvery waters only with the prior consent of the Madras presidency. Twelve years after Independence and 15 years before the expiry of the pact, Mysore, by then rechristened Karnataka, wrote to Tamil Nadu, inviting its attention to several clauses, and suggesting changes. Tamil Nadu turned down the plea. Changes, it said, would be contemplated only after the expiry of the pact in 1974.

The central government began an initiative soon after, but the entire issue was given the appearance of a bilateral dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, the other two riparian states, namely Kerala and Pondicherry, having been left out until the 1970s.

Meanwhile, Tamil Nadu had expanded its irrigation by leaps and bounds against the letter and spirit of the agreement. Its acreage increased from 1.665 million in 1924 to 2.82 million by 1971. Karnataka’s score showed a rise from 314,000 to 682,000 acres. The agreement had stipulated that Madras was entitled to increase its irrigation land to only 300,000 acres. Mysore’s quota was 110,000 acres. Both had violated the agreement.

What the dispute is all about

The state of Karnataka feels that it has not got its due share of water utilization as against Tamil Nadu. Karnataka claims that agreements between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka were skewed heavily in favour of the Madras Presidency, and has since demanded a renegotiated settlement based on “equitable sharing of the waters”. Tamil Nadu on the other hand, pleads that it has already developed almost 3,000,000 acres (12,000 km2) of land and as a result has come to depend very heavily on the existing pattern of usage. Any change in this pattern, it says, will adversely affect the livelihood of millions of farmers in the state.

Countless rounds of talks have taken place to resolve the issue, without any success.

According to a study conducted by the central government in 1972, the utilisation of water from Cauvery in Tamil Nadu was 489 tmc ft against Karnataka’s 177 tmc ft. Now Karnataka wants to utilise 465 tmc ft, against its present usage of 312.32 tmc ft. It is against this background that Tamil Nadu went to the Supreme Court.

The Cauvery Water Tribunal, in its interim award of June 1991, ordered that Karnataka release 205 tmc of water to Tamil Nadu during one water year, that is from May to June. It also stipulated a weekly quantum of flow, much to the chagrin of Karnataka. This led to large-scale violence on Tamils living in Karnataka. Karnataka has followed the interim order and has released much more than 205 tmc ft of water every year except during the year 1995-96. This led to the Supreme Court coming down heavily on Karnataka.

Effect of Negotiations

When decades of negotiations between the parties involved bore no fruit, the Government of India finally constituted a tribunal in 1990 to look into the matter. The tribunal after hearing arguments of all the parties involved for the last 16 years delivered its final verdict on 5 February 2007. In its verdict, the tribunal allocated 419 billion ft³ (12 km³) of water annually to Tamil Nadu and 270 billion ft³ (7.6 km³) to Karnataka; 30 billion ft³ (0.8 km³) of Cauvery river water to Kerala and 7 billion ft³ (0.2 km³) to Puducherry. The dispute however, seems far from over with all four states deciding to file review petitions seeking clarifications and possible renegotiation of the order.

Post independence developments

After independence, the equations changed drastically. Tamil Nadu was carved out of Madras Presidency and Mysore province became a state. Coorg (the birthplace of the Cauvery), became a part of Mysore state. Huge parts of erstwhile Hyderabad state and Bombay Presidency joined with Mysore state.

All these changes further changed the equations as Kerala and Pondicherry also jumped into the fray. Kerala staked its claim as one of the major tributaries of the Cauvery, the Kabini, now originated in Kerala. Karaikal region of Pondicherry at the tail end of the river demanded the waters that it had always used for drinking and some minimal agriculture. While these additional claims complicated matters greatly at a technical level, Mysore state and Tamil Nadu still remained the major parties to the dispute.

During the 70s, a Cauvery Fact Finding Committee (CFFC) was constituted, in order to inspect the ‘ground’ realities and come up with a report. Finally in 1974, a draft agreement which also provided for the creation of a Cauvery Valley Authority was prepared by the Ministry of Irrigation. This draft however, was not ratified.

While all these discussions went on, Tamil Nadu’s irrigated lands had grown from a pre-Mettur command area of 1,440,000 acres (5,800 km2) to 2,580,000 acres (10,400 km2) while Karnataka’s irrigated area stood at 680,000 acres (2,800 km²). Karnataka maintains that these figures demonstrate the lop-sided nature of the agreement.

In 1976, after a series of discussions between the two states and the Central government, a final draft was prepared based on findings of the CFFC. This draft was accepted by all states and the Government also made an announcement to that effect in Parliament. Tamil Nadu came under President’s rule soon after that and the agreement was put on the backburner. When President’s rule was lifted, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) with M. G. Ramachandran at the helm came to power for the first time in Tamil Nadu and the dispute took a new turn.

The Tamil Nadu government now rejected the draft agreement and started insisting that the 1924 agreement had only provided for an extension and not a review. It began insisting that status quo be restored and everyone go back to the agreements of 1892 and 1924. This however, did not cut ice with Karnataka which had throughout maintained that those agreements were partisan and had been signed between unequal partners.

When Karnataka began construction of the Harangi dam in Kodagu, it was once again met with resistance from Tamil Nadu. Tamil Nadu went to court demanding the constitution of a Tribunal under the Inter State Water Disputes Act (ISWD) of 1956. It also demanded the immediate stoppage of construction work at the dam site. As a result of Tamil Nadu’s protests, Karnataka had to fund the construction under the non-plan head and this led to a severe strain on its finances.

Several rounds of discussions were held in the 80s. The result was still, a stalemate

The constitution of the tribunal

The Supreme Court then directed the government headed by Prime Minister V. P. Singh to constitute a tribunal and refer all disputes to it. A three man tribunal was thus constituted on 2 June 1990.

The four states presented their demands to the tribunal as under

Karnataka – claimed 465 billion ft³ (13 km³) as its share

Kerala – wants 99.8 billion ft³ (2.83 km³) as its share

Pondicherry – claims 9.3 billion ft³ (0.3 km³)

Tamil Nadu – wants the flows to be ensured in accordance with the terms of the agreements of 1892 and 1924 (ie., 566 billion ft³ (16 km³) for Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry; 177 billion ft³ (5 km³) for Karnataka and 5 billion ft³ (0.1 km³) for Kerala).

Once the tribunal was set up, Tamil Nadu demanded a mandatory injunction on Karnataka for the immediate release of water and other reliefs. The tribunal dismissed this. Tamil Nadu now went back to the Supreme Court which directed the tribunal to reconsider Tamil Nadu’s plea.

An interim award was given on 25 June 1991, in which the tribunal calculated the average inflows into Tamil Nadu over a period of 10 years between 1980–81 and 1989–90. The extreme years were ignored for this calculation. The average worked out to 205 billion ft³ (5.8 km³) which Karnataka had to ensure reached Tamil Nadu in a water year. The award also stipulated the weekly and monthly flows to be ensured by Karnataka for each month of the water year. The tribunal further directed Karnataka not to increase it irrigated land area from the existing 1,120,000 acres

Karnataka could not digest this award and issued an ordinance seeking to annul the tribunal’s award. The Supreme Court now stepped in at the President’s instance and struck down the Ordinance issued by Karnataka. It upheld the tribunal’s award which was subsequently gazetted by the Government of India on 11 December 1991.

In 1995, the monsoons failed badly in Karnataka and Karnataka found itself hard pressed to fulfill the interim order. Tamil Nadu approached the Supreme Court demanding the immediate release of at least 30 billion ft³. The Supreme Court refused to entertain Tamil Nadu’s petition and asked it to approach the tribunal. The tribunal examined the case and recommended that Karnataka release 11 billion ft³. Karnataka pleaded that 11 billion ft³ cannot be implemented in the circumstances that existed then. Tamil Nadu now went back to the Supreme Court demanding that Karnataka be forced to obey the tribunal’s order. The Supreme Court this time recommended that the then Prime Minister, Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao intervene and find a political solution. The Prime Minister convened a meeting with the Chief Ministers of the two states and recommended that Karnataka release 6 billion ft³ instead of the 11 billion ft³ that the tribunal ordered.

Karnataka complied with the decision of the Prime Minister and the issue blew over.

Constitution of the CRA

In 1997, the Government proposed the setting up of a Cauvery River Authority which would be vested with far reaching powers to ensure the implementation of the Interim Order. These powers included the power to take over the control of dams in the event of the Interim Order not being honoured. Karnataka, which had always maintained that the interim order had no scientific basis and was intrinsically flawed, strongly protested the proposal to set up such an authority.

Under a new proposal, the Government set up two new bodies, viz., Cauvery River Authority, which would consist of the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers of all four States (Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Pondicherry, Kerala) and was headquartered in New Delhi and Cauvery Monitoring Committee, which would be an expert body which consisted of engineers, technocrats and other officers who would take stock of the ‘ground realities’ and report to the Central Government.

In 2002, reservoirs in both states fell to record low levels and inevitably tempers rose. The dispute point yet again, as in 1995–96 was how the distress would be shared between the two states. Tamil Nadu demanded that Karnataka honour the interim award and release to Tamil Nadu its proportionate share. Karnataka on the other hand stated that the water levels were hardly enough to meet its own demands and ruled out releasing any water in the circumstances that prevailed.

The Supreme Court ordered Karnataka to release 1.25 billion ft³ of water every day unless CRA revised it. Karnataka started the release of water but pressed for another meeting of the CRA which was fixed later. The CRA revised the Court’s order from 1.25 billion ft³ to 0.8 billion ft³ per day.

This time however, the Karnataka government in open defiance of the order of the CRA, refused to release any water succumbing to the large scale protests that had mounted in the Cauvery districts of the state. When Tamil Nadu approached the Supreme Court, Karnataka now resumed the release of water for a few days, but stopped it again on 18 September as a protesting farmer committed suicide by jumping into the reservoir and the protests threatened to take a dangerous turn.

The centre now stepped in and asked Karnataka to release the water. While the CRA inspected the reservoirs in Karnataka, Tamil Nadu flatly refused to grant them permission to inspect its reservoirs. On 30 September 2002 the Supreme Court ordered Tamil Nadu to co-operate with the CRA and Tamil Nadu gave in.

Demonstrations

Things took an ugly turn and there were accusations and counter accusations being thrown all around in both states. The opposition parties in Tamil Nadu too had jumped into the fray and at the same time joining the then Chief Minister Ms Jayalalitha in stinging rebukes of both the Centre and the CRA.

To add to all this, the dispute had already spilled onto the streets in the district of Mandya in Karnataka and was threatening to spread to other parts of the state too. Precipitating the matters on the streets, the SC ordered Karnataka to comply with the CRA and resume the release of water.

Karnataka once again refused to obey the orders of SC. Tamil Nadu slapped another contempt petition on Karnataka and soon the issue degenerated into a ‘free for all’ with all and sundry from both states joining the protests. Soon, film actors and various other cross sections of society from both states were on the streets. The belligerence soon hit a crescendo and even as some groups in Tamil Nadu called for a stoppage of power from the Neyveli Power stat ion to Karnataka as a tit-for-tat measure, a Pan-Tamil militant outfit (a month or so later) went ahead and blasted a major power transformer supplying power to the neighbouring states of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.

In the meanwhile, Tamil Nadu’s contempt suit on Karnataka came up for hearing. The Karnataka government, by now saw the gravity of the situation, and in a bid to salvage the situation, decided to resume the release of water; while at the same time compensating its own farmers for the loss. The Supreme Court censured the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister for attacking the CRA and the Prime Minister and ordered Tamil Nadu to tender an unqualified apology. Tamil Nadu complied with it and tendered the apology.

2003–2006

The last four years haven’t seen any major flare up in the dispute even though the summer of 2003 saw a dry spell in both states. The monsoons in 2004, 2005 and 2006 were quite copious and this helped a great deal in keeping the tempers calm. While the last 3 or 4 years have been relatively quiet as far as jingoistic voices are concerned, a flurry of development has been afoot in the courts.

The extension for the term of the tribunal was granted and the tribunal’s term was extended for another year until September 2006. Early in 2006, a major controversy erupted over the ‘Assessor’s report’ that was apparently ‘leaked’ to the press. The report had suggested a decision which Karnataka summarily rejected. Another major controversy erupted when just a couple of months before the September 2006 deadline, the tribunal recommended the formation of another expert committee to study the ‘ground realities’ yet again. This was unanimously and vehemently opposed by all the four states party to the dispute.

Judgment

The Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal announced its final verdict on 5 February 2007. According to its verdict, Tamil Nadu gets 419 billion ft³ (12 km³) of Cauvery water while Karnataka gets 270 billion ft³ (7.6 km³). The actual release of water by Karnataka to Tamil Nadu is to be 192 billion ft³ (5.4 km³) annually. Further, Kerala will get 30 billion ft³ and Puducherry 7 billion ft³. Tamil Nadu appears to have been accepting the verdict while the government of Karnataka, unhappy with the decision, filed a revision petition before the tribunal seeking a review.

Is it going to be a never-ending dispute or a dispute to test National Integrity?

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Emmy Awards – the History, Statuette and 2010 Winners

Wednesday, September 1st, 2010

Rosaline Marry

The Emmy Award, often referred to simply as the Emmy, is a television production award, similar in nature to the Peabody Awards but more focused on entertainment, and is considered the television equivalent to the Academy Awards (for film), Grammy Awards (for music) and Tony Awards (for stage).

They are presented in various sectors of the television industry, including entertainment programming, news and documentary shows, and sports programming. As such, the awards are presented in various area-specific ceremonies held annually throughout the year.

Originally there was only one Emmy Awards ceremony held per year to honor shows nationally broadcast in the United States. That changed when the Daytime Emmy Awards, a separate awards show specifically just for daytime programming, was first held in 1974. Other area-specific Emmy Awards ceremonies soon followed. Also, the International Emmy Awards, honoring television programs produced and initially aired outside the U.S., was established in the early 1970s. Meanwhile, all Emmys awarded prior to the emergence of these separate, area-specific ceremonies are listed along with the Primetime Emmy Awards in the ATAS’ official records.

In 1977, due to various conflicts, the ATAS and the NATAS agreed to split ties. However, they also agreed to share ownership of the Emmy statue and trademark, with each responsible for administering a specific set of award shows.

The best known of these ceremonies are the Primetime Emmy Awards, honoring excellence in American primetime television programming (excluding sports), and the Daytime Emmy Awards, honoring excellence in American daytime television programming.

The first Emmy Awards were presented on January 25, 1949 at the Hollywood Athletic Club, but solely to honor shows produced and aired locally in the Los Angeles area. Shirley Dinsdale has the distinction of receiving the very first Emmy, for Most Outstanding Television Personality, during that first awards ceremony.

In the 1950s, the ATAS expanded the Emmys into a national event, presenting the awards to shows broadcast nationwide. In 1955, the National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences (NATAS) was formed in New York as a sister organization to serve members on the East Coast, and help to also supervise the Emmys. The NATAS also established regional chapters throughout the United States, with each one developing their own local Emmy awards show for local programming.

History of Emmy Statuette

The Los Angeles-based Academy of Television Arts & Sciences (ATAS) established the Emmy Awards as part of an image-building and public relations opportunity. The name “Emmy” was chosen as a feminization of “immy“, a nickname used for the image orthicon tubes that were common in early television cameras. To complement the name, the statuette was designed to depict a winged woman holding an atom, which “has since become the symbol of the TV Academy’s goal of supporting and uplifting the art and science of television: The wings represent the muse of art; the atom the electron of science.”

After rejecting 47 proposals for what was to become the Emmy® statuette, Academy members in 1948 selected a design that television engineer Louis McManus had created using his wife as a model.

The statuette of a winged woman holding an atom has since become the symbol of the Television Academy’s goal of supporting and uplifting the arts and science of television: The wings represent the muse of art; the atom the electron of science.

Academy founder Syd Cassyd suggested “Ike,” the nickname for the television iconoscope tube. But with a national war hero named Dwight D. “Ike” Eisenhower, Academy members thought they needed a less well-known name. Harry Lubcke, a pioneer television engineer and the third Academy president, suggested “Immy,” a term commonly used for the early image orthicon camera. The name stuck and was later modified to Emmy, which members thought was more appropriate for a female symbol.

The statuettes weigh four and three-quarter pounds and are made of copper, nickel, silver, and gold. Each one takes five and one-half hours to make and is handled with white gloves so as to leave no fingerprints.

62nd Annual Primetime Emmy Awards

The 62nd Annual Primetime Emmy Awards, presented by the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences, took place on August 29, 2010. NBC broadcasted the event, which took place at Nokia Theatre in Los Angeles, California. Late Night host Jimmy Fallon hosted the telecast. This was the first telecast to be televised live coast-to-coast since the 34th ceremony held in 1976.

Primetime Emmy Awards

The Primetime Emmy Awards are awards presented by the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences in recognition of excellence in American primetime television programming. First awarded in 1949, they were originally referred to as just the “Emmy Awards” until the first Daytime Emmy Award ceremonies were held in the 1970s, and the word “primetime” was added to disambiguate between the two.

The Primetime Emmys generally air in mid-September, on the Sunday before the official start of the fall television season. They are currently seen in rotation among the four major networks (CBS, ABC, NBC, and FOX). Because of NBC’s coverage of Sunday Night NFL Football beginning in September, when NBC has had the rotation in 2006 and again in 2010, the Emmys move to late August for those years only.

2010 Emmy Prime Time Award Winners

Drama Series: Mad Men
Comedy Series: Modern Family

Acting
Lead Actor in a Drama Series: Bryan Cranston, Breaking Bad
Lead Actress in a Drama Series: Kyra Sedgwick, The Closer
Lead Actor in a Comedy Series: Jim Parsons, The Big Bang Theory
Lead Actress in a Comedy Series: Edie Falco, Nurse Jackie

Supporting Actor in a Drama Series: Aaron Paul, Breaking Bad
Supporting Actress in a Drama Series: Archie Panjabi, The Good Wife
Supporting Actor in a Comedy Series: Eric Stonestreet, Modern Family
Supporting Actress in a Comedy Series: Jane Lynch, Glee
Lead Actor in a Miniseries or a Movie: Al Pacino, You Don’t Know Jack
Lead Actress in a Miniseries or a Movie: Claire Danes, Temple Grandin
Supporting Actor in a Miniseries or a Movie: David Strathairn, Temple Grandin
Supporting Actress in a Miniseries or a Movie: Julia Ormond, Temple Grandin

Directing
Drama Series: Steve Shill, Dexter
Comedy Series: Ryan Murphy, Glee
Variety, Music or Comedy Special: Bucky Gunts, Vancouver 2010: XXI Olympic Winter Games
Miniseries, Movie or a Dramatic Special: Mick Jackson, Temple Grandin

Writing
Drama Series: Matthew Weiner and Erin Levy, Mad Men
Comedy Series: Steven Levitan and Christopher Lloyd, Modern Family
Variety, Music or Comedy Special: 63rd Annual Tony Awards
Miniseries, Movie or a Dramatic Special: Adam Mazer, You Don’t Know Jack

Made for Television Movie: Temple Grandin
Miniseries: The Pacific
Reality Competition Program: Top Chef
Variety, Music or Comedy Series: The Daily Show With Jon Stewart

Bob Hope Humanitarian Award: George Clooney

Daytime Emmy Awards

The Daytime Emmy Awards are awards presented by the New York-based National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences and the Los Angeles-based Academy of Television Arts & Sciences in recognition of excellence in American daytime television programming. Ceremonies generally are held in May or June. The first daytime-themed Emmy Awards were given out at the primetime ceremony in 1972, when The Doctors and General Hospital were nominated for Outstanding Achievement in a Daytime Drama.

2010 Daytime Emmy Award winners

The 2010 Daytime Emmy Award winners were announced at the Las Vegas Hiltion on June 27, 2010. Regis Philbin, Live With Regis and Kelly, hosted the awards, which featured a special tribute to TV icon Dick Clark.

Outstanding Drama Series

  • The Bold and the Beautiful

The Bold and the Beautiful won for the second year in the row. It has now won this category twice.

Outstanding Lead Actress

  • Maura West as Carly Tenney Snyder on As the World Turns

Maura West was nominated last year. The award went to Susan Haskell from One Life to Live.

Outstanding Lead Actor

  • Michael Park as Jack Snyder on As the World Turns

Christian LeBlanc won in this category last year. He also won in 2007 and 2005.

Outstanding Supporting Actress

  • Julie Pinson as Janet Ciccone on As the World Turns

Julie Pinson was nominated last year, but lost to Tamara Braun. She won for her stint on Days of Our Lives.

Outstanding Supporting Actor

  • Billy Miller as Billy Abbott on The Young and the Restless

There was a tie in this category last year, with both Vincent Irizarry and Jeff Branson winning. Billy Miller wasn’t nominated.

Outstanding Younger Actress

  • Julie Marie Berman as Lulu Spencer on General Hospital

This is the second year in a row that Julie Marie Berman has won an Emmy in this category. She was pre-nominated in the category with fellow General Hospital star Kirsten Storms.

Outstanding Younger Actor

  • Drew Tyler Bell as Thomas Forrester on The Bold and the Beautiful

Darin Brooks from Days of Our Lives won last year. This is the first Emmy for Bell.

Outstanding Writing Team

  • The Bold and the Beautiful

General Hospital won last year.

Outstanding Directing Team

  • General Hospital

One Life to Live won last year.

Outstanding Entertainment Talk Show

  • The Ellen DeGeneres Show

Rachael Ray won last year. The Ellen DeGeneres Show started in 2003.

Outstanding Informative Talk Show

  • The Doctors

The Doctors started in 2008. The Tyra Banks Show won this last year.

Outstanding Talk Show Host

  • Dr. Mehmet Oz on The Dr. Oz Show

The women of The View won this award last year. The View started in 1997.

Outstanding Morning Program

  • The Today Show (NBC)

Good Morning America won last year. The popular morning show started in 1975.

Outstanding Game/Audience Participation Show

  • Cash Cab

Cash Cab won last year and in 2008 as well. The show started in 2005.

Outstanding Legal/Courtroom Program

  • Cristina’s Court

Cristina’s Court won last year as well. The show started in 2006.

Outstanding Game Show Host

  • Ben Bailey, Cash Cab

Meredith Viera, Who Wants To Be A Millionaire, won this award last year. This is Bailey’s first Emmy as host.

Outstanding Children’s Animated Program

  • Curious George

Word World won this award last year. It started in 2007.

Lifetime Achievement Award

  • Agnes Nixon

Nixon created All My Children and One Life to Live. Sesame Street received the Lifetime Achievement Award last year.
Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Israel and Palestine conflict and the current scenario

Wednesday, September 1st, 2010

Ambujam Kishore

Palestine

It extends east to the Jordan River, north to the border between Israel and Lebanon, west to the Mediterranean, and south to the Negev desert, reaching the Gulf of Aqaba. The political status and geographic area designated by the term have changed considerably over the course of three millennia. The eastern boundary has been particularly fluid, often understood as lying east of the Jordan and extending at times to the edge of the Arabian Desert.

A land of sharp contrasts, Palestine includes the Dead Sea, the lowest natural point of elevation on Earth, and mountain peaks higher than 2,000 ft (610 m) above sea level. In the 20th and 21st centuries it has been the object of conflicting claims by Jewish and Arab national movements.

The region is sacred to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Settled since early prehistoric times, mainly by Semitic groups, it was occupied in biblical times by the kingdoms of Israel, Judah, and Judaea. It was subsequently held by virtually every power of the Middle East, including the Assyrians, Persians, Romans, Byzantines, Crusaders, and Ottomans.

It was governed by Britain after the end of World War I (1914–18)—from 1922, under a League of Nations mandate—until 1948, when the State of Israel was proclaimed. Armies from Egypt, Transjordan, Syria, and Iraq attacked the next day. They were defeated by the Israeli army.

Geographical Locations of Palestine

The land variously called Israel and Palestine is a small, (10,000 square miles at present) land at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea. During its long history, its area, population and ownership varied greatly. The present state of Israel occupies all the land from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean ocean, bounded by Egypt in the south, Lebanon in the north, and Jordan in the East. The recognized borders of Israel constitute about 78% of the land. The remainder is divided between land occupied by Israel since the 1967 6-day war and the autonomous regions under the control of the Palestinian autonomy. The Gaza strip occupies an additional 141 square miles south of Israel, and is under the control of the Palestinian authority.

Palestine has been settled continuously for tens of thousands of years. Fossil remains have been found of Homo Erectus, Neanderthal and transitional types between Neanderthal and modern man. Archeologists have found hybrid Emmer wheat at Jericho dating from before 8,000 B.C., making it one of the oldest sites of agricultural activity in the world. Amorites, Canaanites, and other Semitic peoples related to the Phoenicians of Tyre entered the area about 2000 B.C. The area became known as the Land of Canaan

Israel

This country is officially known as State of Israel, Hebrew Medinat Yisraʾel, Arabic Isrāʾīl.

Area: 8,357 sq mi (21,643 sq km). Population (2009 est.): 7,128,000 (includes population of Golan Heights and east Jerusalem; excludes population of the West Bank). Capital (proclaimed): Jerusalem.

Jews constitute some four-fifths of the population and Arabs about one-fifth. Languages: Hebrew, Arabic (both official). Religions: Judaism; also Islam, Christianity. Currency: new Israeli sheqel (NIS).

Geographical Locations of Israel

It is a country in the Middle East, located at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea. It is bounded to the north by Lebanon, to the northeast by Syria, to the east and southeast by Jordan, to the southwest by Egypt, and to the west by the Mediterranean Sea. Jerusalem is the seat of government and the proclaimed capital, although the latter status has not received wide international recognition.

Israel can be divided into four major regions: the Mediterranean coastal plain in the west; a hill region extending from the northern border into central Israel; the Great Rift Valley, containing the Jordan River, in the east; and the arid Negev, occupying nearly the entire southern half of the country. Its major drainage system is the interior basin formed by the Jordan River; Lake Tiberias (Sea of Galilee) provides water to much of the country’s agricultural land.

Israel has a mixed economy based largely on services and manufacturing; exports include machinery and electronics, diamonds, chemicals, citrus fruits, vegetables, and textiles. Its population is nine-tenths urban and is concentrated largely in the Mediterranean coastal plain and around Jerusalem. It is a multiparty republic with one legislative house, the Knesset; its head of state is the president, and the head of government is the prime minister. The record of human habitation in Israel dates to the Paleolithic Period. Efforts by Jews to establish a national state there began in the late 19th century.

Britain supported Zionism and in 1923 assumed political responsibility for what was then called Palestine. Migration of Jews to Palestine, which increased during the period of Nazi persecution, led to deteriorating relations with Arabs. In 1947 the UN voted to partition the region into separate Jewish and Arab states.

The State of Israel was proclaimed in 1948, and Egypt, Transjordan (later Jordan), Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq immediately declared war on it. Israel won that war as well as the 1967 Six-Day War, in which it occupied the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, and east Jerusalem.

Another war with its Arab neighbours followed in 1973, but the Camp David Accords led to a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1979. Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982 to expel the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from that country, and in late 1987 an uprising broke out among Palestinians of the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Peace negotiations between Israel and the Arab states and Palestinians began in 1991. Israel and the PLO agreed in 1993 to a five-year plan to extend self-government to the Palestinians of the occupied territories. Israel signed a peace treaty with Jordan in 1994. Israeli soldiers and a Lebanese militia, Hezbollah, clashed throughout the 1990s. Israeli troops withdrew from Lebanon in 2000, and negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians broke down amid violence that claimed hundreds of lives. In an effort to stem the fighting, Israel in 2005 withdrew its soldiers and settlers from parts of the West Bank and from all of the Gaza Strip, which came under Palestinian control.

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is the ongoing dispute between Israelis and Palestinians, an enduring and explosive conflict. The conflict is wide-ranging, and the term is also used in reference to the earlier phases of the same conflict, between Jewish and Zionist yishuv and the Arab population living in Palestine under Ottoman or British rule. It forms part of the wider, and generally earlier, Arab–Israeli conflict. The remaining key issues are: mutual recognition, borders, security, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian freedom of movement and legalities concerning refugees. The violence resulting from the conflict has prompted international actions, as well as other security and human rights concerns, both within and between both sides, and internationally.

Zionism

In the late 1800s a group in Europe decided to colonize this land. Known as Zionists, they represented an extremist minority of the Jewish population. Their goal was to create a Jewish homeland, and they considered locations in Africa and the Americas, before settling on Palestine.

Initially, this immigration created no problems. However, as more and more Zionists immigrated to Palestine – many with the express wish of taking over the land for a Jewish state – the indigenous population became increasingly alarmed. Eventually, fighting broke out, with escalating waves of violence. Hitler’s rise to power, combined with Zionist activities to sabotage efforts to place Jewish refugees in western countries, led to increased Jewish immigration to Palestine, and conflict grew.

UN Partition Plan

In 1947 the United Nations decided to intervene. However, rather than adhering to the principle of “self-determination of peoples,” in which the people themselves create their own state and system of government, the UN chose to revert to the medieval strategy whereby an outside power divides up other people’s land.

Under considerable Zionist pressure, the UN recommended giving away 55% of Palestine to a Jewish state – despite the fact that this group represented only about 30% of the total population, and owned under 7% of the land.

1947 – 1949 War

Throughout this war, Zionist forces outnumbered all Arab and Palestinian combatants combined – often by a factor of two to three. Moreover, Arab armies did not invade Israel – virtually all battles were fought on land that was to have been the Palestinian state.

Finally, Arab armies entered the conflict only after Zionist forces had committed 16 massacres, including the grisly massacre of over 100 men, women, and children at Deir Yassin. Future Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, head of one of the Jewish terrorist groups, described this as “splendid,” and stated: “As in Deir Yassin, so everywhere, we will attack and smite the enemy. God, God, Thou has chosen us for conquest.” Zionist forces committed 33 massacres altogether.

By the end of the war, Israel had conquered 78 percent of Palestine; three-quarters of a million Palestinians had been made refugees; over 500 towns and villages had been obliterated; and a new map was drawn up, in which every city, river and hillock received a new, Hebrew name, as all vestiges of the Palestinian culture were to be erased. For decades Israel denied the existence of this population.

1967 War & USS Liberty

In 1967, Israel conquered still more land. Following the Six Day War, in which Israeli forces launched a highly successful surprise attack on Egypt, Israel occupied the final 22% of Palestine that had eluded it in 1948 – the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Since, according to international law it is inadmissible to acquire territory by war, these are occupied territories and do not belong to Israel. It also occupied parts of Egypt (since returned) and Syria (which remain under occupation).

Also during the Six Day War, Israel attacked a US Navy ship, the USS Liberty, killing and injuring over 200 American servicemen. President Lyndon Johnson recalled rescue flights, saying that he did not want to “embarrass an ally.

Current Conflict

There are two primary issues at the core of this continuing conflict. First, there is the inevitably destabilizing effect of trying to maintain an ethnically preferential state, particularly when it is largely of foreign origin. The original population of what is now Israel was 96 percent Muslim and Christian, yet, these refugees are prohibited from returning to their homes in the self-described Jewish state (and those within Israel are subjected to systematic discrimination).

Second, Israel’s continued military occupation and confiscation of privately owned land in the West Bank, and control over Gaza, are extremely oppressive, with Palestinians having minimal control over their lives. Over 10,000 Palestinian men, women, and children are held in Israeli prisons. Few of them have had a legitimate trial; Physical abuse and torture are frequent. Palestinian borders (even internal ones) are controlled by Israeli forces. Periodically men, women, and children are strip searched; people are beaten; women in labor are prevented from reaching hospitals (at times resulting in death); food and medicine are blocked from entering Gaza, producing an escalating humanitarian crisis. Israeli forces invade almost daily, injuring, kidnapping, and sometimes killing inhabitants.

According to the Oslo peace accords of 1993, these territories were supposed to finally become a Palestinian state. However, after years of Israel continuing to confiscate land and conditions steadily worsening, the Palestinian population rebelled. (The Barak offer, widely reputed to be generous, was anything but.) This uprising, called the “Intifada” (Arabic for “shaking off”) began at the end of September 2000.

Quite a few attempts have been made to broker a two-state solution, which would mean the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside an independent Jewish state or next to the State of Israel (after Israel’s establishment in 1948). In 2007, a majority of both Israelis and Palestinians, according to a number of polls, stated a preference for the two-state solution over any other solution as a means of resolving the conflict.

Also, a majority of the Jewish public sees the Palestinians’ demand for an independent state as just, and thinks Israel can agree to the establishment of such a state.  A majority of Palestinians and Israelis view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as an acceptable location of the hypothetical Palestinian state in a two-state solution. However, there are significant areas of disagreement over the shape of any final agreement and also regarding the level of credibility each side sees in the other in upholding basic commitments.  An alternative is the one-state or binational solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state with equal rights for all.

Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflict generates a wide variety of views and opinions. This highlights the deep divisions which exist not only between Israelis and Palestinians, but also within each society.

There are prominent international actors involved in the conflict. The two parties engaged in direct negotiation are the Israeli government, currently led by Benjamin Netanyahu, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas. The official negotiations are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East (the Quartet) represented by a special envoy that consists of the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations. The Arab League is another important actor, which has proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, has historically been a key participant.

Since 2003, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, the traditionally dominant party, and its later electoral challenger, Hamas. Following Hamas’ seizure of power in the Gaza Strip in June 2007, the territory controlled by the Palestinian National Authority (the Palestinian interim government) is split between Fatah in the West Bank, and Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The division of governance between the parties has effectively resulted in the collapse of bipartisan governance of the Palestinian National Authority (PA).

A round of peace negotiations commenced at Annapolis, Maryland, United States, in November 2007. These talks were aimed at having a final resolution by the end of 2008.  The parties agree there are six cores, or ‘final status,’ issues which still need to be resolved.

Palestinians sceptical of talks – 1.09.2010

The  stage  is  set  for  the revival  of  peace  talks  on 1.09.2010 in Washington  between  Israel and  the  Palestinians  amid scepticism  in  the  Palestinian territories  that  the  latest round  of  international  diplomacy  that  seeks  to  establish an  independent  Palestinian state  will  make  much headway.

U. S.   President  Barack  Obama  will  preside  over  the  relaunch  of  talks  on  1.09.2010 attended  by  Palestinian  Authority  ( PA)   President  Mahmoud  Abbas  and  Israeli Prime  Minister  Benjamin Netanyahu. The 22- nation Arab League backs these talks.

However,   Israel’s  refusal  so far  to  extend  its  moratorium on  fresh  construction  in  occupied  Palestinian  territories,   which  expires  on September  26, 2010   threatens  to disrupt  Washington’s  new initiative.   The  international “ Quartet”   group,   which  also includes  Russia,   the  European  Union  ( EU)   and  the  United  Nations  as  members,   backs the  resumption  of negotiations. The  Palestinians  have threatened  to  walk  out  of  direct  talks,   unless  Israel  extends  the  freeze  on  new housing,   which  can  impact  on the  nature  of  the  future  Palestinian  State. The  Palestinians  want  that the  West  Bank  and  Gaza  Strip should  comprise  their  future state  with  East  Jerusalem  as its  capital.

The  Palestinian  Hamas which  runs  the  Gaza  Strip  has strongly  rejected  the  talks.   However,   imparting a positive spin to the prospects of talks,   U. S.   State Department spokesman P. J.  Crowley  said the  Obama  administration  visualised  that   negotiations could  achieve  success  “ within a  one- year  time  frame”. “That is what our goal is,”   he said on 30.08.2010.

Israel-Palestine: Are the talks meant to fail?

Held in Washington at the instigation of President Obama, the first direct talks between Israel, represented by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, and the Palestinians, represented by President Mahmoud Abbas, for 20 months were presaged with much fanfare.

The rhetoric before the meeting was certainly ambitious, with the main stated aim being the establishment of an independent Palestinian state alongside a secure Israel. The only substantive result so far, however, is that the two sides will meet again on September 14, 2010 in the Egyptian resort of Sharm el Sheikh, and every fortnight thereafter. The U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, will attend on September 14, 2010 as will former Senator George Mitchell, who is now Mr. Obama’s special peace envoy to the Middle East.

The first key issue for the Palestinians is an end to the Israeli construction of settlements on the West Bank of the Jordan, which Israel occupied in the 1967 war. Another is the right of return for millions of displaced Palestinians, both the victims of that war and those expelled by Israel in 1948; huge numbers still languish in camps around the region and in Gaza. A third point is the status of Jerusalem, which the Palestinians want as a shared capital with Israel.

For his part, Mr. Netanyahu has said bluntly that the legitimacy and security of Israel are paramount. According to him, the demand for a nation-state for the Palestinian people must be matched by a Palestinian recognition that Israel is the nation-state for the Jewish people, though he adds that the million or more non-Jews living in Israel have full civil rights.

A major problem is that Israel is not even dealing with Hamas, the elected majority representatives of the Palestinians. It may be trying to pretend that Hamas does not exist, though it is prepared to go to war with it; Israel has also imposed an economic stranglehold upon Gaza which amounts to nothing less than the collective punishment of 1.5 million Palestinians, and it continues to bomb supply tunnels in southern Gaza. The physical departure of Israeli settlers and Israeli forces from Gaza over the last few years is therefore almost an irrelevance, and ordinary Palestinians’ hostility to the reopening of talks is entirely unsurprising.

There is therefore virtually no prospect that the reopened contacts between Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Abbas can succeed. If Israel shows any willingness to make concessions, the Palestinian President will be under severe international pressure to accept, but will alienate his own supporters even further; if the talks break down for any reason, Mr. Netanyahu can blame the Palestinians.

All the evidence is that that is exactly what Israel wants. The next Israeli chief of military staff is to be Major-General Yoav Galant, who led the 2008-09 offensive in Gaza, during which 1,400 Palestinians and 13 Israelis were killed, and in respect of which the U.N. fact finding report said there had been war crimes on both sides. Israeli rights groups have called for an examination of Galant’s actions in Gaza, but, as is so often the case in such matters, those at the top can be sure they will escape, however tainted they are. In effect, Israel is ruling out any possibility that its own security could be ensured by a fair, just, and equitable settlement with all Palestinians. It clearly will not accept a tenable two-state solution, but a one-state solution would annul its claim to being a Jewish state. So Israel may well be moving towards the creation of a permanently demonised and subjugated other, which may be essential for the very preservation of the idea of a Jewish, or in more extreme terms Zionist,

The battle goes on……

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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Vedanta Mining Project in Orissa and Environmental Concerns

Monday, August 30th, 2010

Rajam Krishnan

Vedanta Resources Plc is a London Stock Exchange -listed diversified FTSE 100 metals and mining company. It is India’s largest non-ferrous metals and mining company based on revenues. With assets and operations in India, Zambia and Australia, it is primarily engaged in copper, zinc, aluminium and iron ore businesses. Recently, it has ventured into commercial power generation business. It is the first Indian manufacturing company to be listed on the London Stock Exchange. It is well on its way to become a million-tonne per annum producer at the lowest decile costs in aluminum, copper and zinc by 2010.

It has experienced significant growth in recent years through various expansion projects for copper, zinc and aluminium businesses and acquisition of Sesa Goa in April 2007, which enabled it to enter the iron ore business. Revenue from businesses increased from $3,701.8 million in fiscal 2006 to $7,930.5 million in fiscal 2010, representing a compound annual growth rate of 21%.

Vedanta has been criticised by human rights and activist groups, including Survival International and Amnesty International, due to their operations in Niyamgiri Hills in Orissa, India that are said to threaten the lives of the Dongria Kondh that populate this region. The Niyamgiri hills are also claimed to be an important wildlife habitat in Eastern Ghats of India as per a report by the Wildlife Institute of India as well as independent reports/studies carried out by civil society groups.  In January 2009, thousands of locals formed a human chain around the hill in protest at the plans to start bauxite mining in the area.

Vedanta’s Alumina Refinery in Lanjigarh was criticised by the Orissa State Pollution Control Board (the statutory environmental regulation body) for air pollution and water pollution in the area. According to Amnesty International, local people reported dust from the plant settling on clothes, crops and food. An environmental impact assessment by the government found dust pollution was within acceptable limits. Vedanta officials claimed there was no dust pollution from the plant at all. An environmental inspection of the plant reported water pollution by the plant including increasing the pH value of the river Vamshadhara below the refinery and a high level of SPM in the stack emissions. In October 2009 it was reported that the British Government has criticised Vedanta for its treatment of the Dongria Kondh tribe in Orissa, India. The company refused to co-operate with the British Government and with an OECD investigation. They have rejected charges of environmental damage, saying it may be related to the increased use of fertiliser by farmers.

In 2007 unsafe mining operations led to 1,246 injuries and 26 deaths involving the group’s employees and contractors.

In respect of bauxite mines at Lanjigarh, Orissa, public interest litigations were filed in 2004 by Indian non-government organisations led by the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties to the Supreme Court sub-committee regarding the potential environmental impact of the mines. The Ministry of Environment and Forests received reports from expert organisations and has submitted its recommendations to the Supreme Court.

The sub-committee has found “blatant violations” of environmental regulations and grave concerns about the impact of the Niyamgiri mine on both the environment and the local tribal population. The committee recommended to the Court that mining in such an ecologically sensitive area should not be permitted.

Ministry’s negative response to Vedanta Project

After a long drawn-out consultation process, the Union government has finally pronounced its verdict against Vedanta Alumina’s $1.7-billion plan to mine bauxite in the Niyamgiri Hills of Orissa on 24th August 2010.

The Minister for Environment and Forests Jairam Ramesh said that there has been a very serious violation of the Environment Protection Act, the Forest Conservation Act and the Forest Rights Act. He blamed Vedanta, the Orissa Mining Corporation, and State officials for the violations. The clearance stands rejected.

Mr. Ramesh accepted the recommendation of the Forest Advisory Committee (FAC) to withdraw the Stage I forest clearance, granted in 2008, and reject the Stage II clearance that the promoters had applied for. In the light of this, the environmental clearance will also become invalid. (See also Articles on ‘Environmental Issues’ in jeywin.com).

In a further blow to Vedanta’s plans in the region, the Ministry will investigate the allegation that bauxite for Vedanta’s Orissa refinery is being sourced from 14 Jharkhand mines, of which at least 11 do not have a valid environmental clearance.

The Ministry is also issuing a show-cause notice, threatening cancellation of the licence given to the refinery itself, which has illegally grabbed village forest lands and carrying out a six-fold expansion without permission. The appraisal process of the expansion has been suspended.

The FAC’s recommendation was based on the N.C. Saxena Committee report that detailed the violations and the adverse impact of the project on the local Dongria Kondh tribal community and biodiversity in the region. The Orissa Forest Secretary met Mr. Ramesh on 24th August 2010 to voice the State Government’s objections to the report. He also reiterated the argument put forth by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik that the Supreme Court’s August 2008 ruling in favour of an in-principle clearance made the final clearance a fait accompli.

He claims that his Ministry cannot function on the basis of fait accomplis. Since August 2008, a lot of new information has come to light. He says that it is on the basis of this incriminating new evidence that the decision has been taken.

Among the new information is the State government’s failure to implement the Forest Rights Act, which protects the community rights of forest-dwellers, especially tribals.

Instead, the Saxena Committee found that district administration officials deliberately submitted documents faking the consent of gram sabhas.

26 August 2010

After the bold action taken by the Union Environment and Forest Ministry against Vedanta’s plans to mine bauxite in Orissa, the clutch of bauxite and alumina projects in Visakhapatnam district in Andhra Pradesh may now feel the heat. Already, there is lurking fear in the bauxite mining and alumina refining industry that their projects could be next in the firing line by the Ministry as the issues were akin to those raised in the case of Vedanta. These include impact on indigenous tribal communities, ecologically sensitive region, rich flora and fauna and water sources, besides violations of Forest laws.

Union Mines Minister B. K. Handique, acting on a representation by Congress MP from Araku and chairman of Committee on Pubic Undertakings V. Kishore Chandra Deo, made it clear that the commencement of bauxite mining operations in Visakhapatnam will be kept on hold till issues raised by the latter were addressed.

The Environmental Impact Assessment report for Araku region would be re-evaluated.

The Minister made specific mention of the Jindal South West Holdings Limited, Ras-al Khaimah and three projects of National Aluminium Company Limited, all joint ventures with Andhra Pradesh Mineral Development Corporation (APMDC).

He informed the MP that a committee of the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests will look into the issues regarding the impact of bauxite mining on water table, catchments, reservoirs, forest cover etc.

Reactions of the Tribals

The Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi has backed the tribals’ cause in Orissa’s Niyamgiri hills, which is the hotbed of the Vedanta controversy.  Rahul’s visit comes two days after the Centre refused to give an environment clearance to Vedanta’s bauxite mining project.  The Gandhi scion said development is important but it should be done after listening to the poor and the tribals.

He claims that does not mean curbing the poor, the tribals and the backward. Rahul said the tribals of Niyamgiri were being crushed. He reiterated the promise made in 2004 that the government of the poor and the common man would come at the Centre and they had shown that.

In March 2008, Rahul visited Lanjigarh and expressed his solidarity with the Dongriya Kondhs who have been opposing the Vedanta mines. He is back in 2010.

The timing of Rahul’s visit, just two days after Jairam Ramesh’s ban on Vedanta’s mining, has prompted the Orissa government to cry foul.

In the past 10 years, the tribal vote bank of the Congress has eroded in favour of the BJD. Many believe Rahul’s visit to Langigarh is to revive this tribal vote bank. The Congress, of course, denies the allegation.

As for the tribals of Lanjigarh, who have been opposing the mine for almost five years, the environment ministry’s order is a welcome reprieve. To counter Rahul’s tribal rally, the BJD is planning to organise a similar rally at the same place next week. It’s clear no political party wants to alienate the tribals in order to please Vedanta.

Vedanta has made it very clear that it has already invested $ 5.4 billion in the aluminum project in Orissa and there is no question of the company pulling out of the State.

But the big question is if Vedanta does not get its bauxite from the controversial Niyamgiri hills, will the Orissa government oblige to provide alternate source of bauxite to the company.

30th august 2010 – the current scenario

The government is planning to put in place a more transparent mining policy by designating parts of mineral-rich regions as out of bounds for industry because of environmental concerns, a move that can avoid episodes such as the recent ban on mining at Niyamgiri in Orissa but could hurt expansion plans of companies located in such areas.

The plan is to divide the country’s mineral-rich regions into so-called ‘go’ and ‘no-go’ areas, replicating a similar exercise carried out by the environment ministry for the coal sector. The exercise, spelt out by the ministry of mines in a note prepared a few days ago, is to identify areas where mining could be carried out without causing serious environmental damage. The nub of the exercise is to identify areas of dense forest cover where mining will not be allowed.

The note, which was prepared last week and has been seen by ET, will be reviewed by a group of ministers. The group, consisting of those with a stake in mining policy, includes BK Handique, the minister in charge of mining, finance minister Pranab Mukherjee, minister of state for coal SP Jaiswal, as well as minister of state for environment Jairam Ramesh, whose activism has provoked the policy review.

Once cleared by this group, the policy will be notified. The demarcation between mining and no-mining areas covers metallic minerals such as iron ore, bauxite and zinc, according to the note. Mr Handique could not be reached for comments.

While such proposals have been mooted earlier, efforts to bring in greater transparency into India’s notoriously opaque mining policy gained momentum after the environment ministry on August 24 denied permission to Orissa Mining Corp to mine bauxite on the Niyamgiri hills. The Niyamgiri bauxite was intended for Vedanta Aluminium, a joint venture partner of Orissa Mining Corp. However, the project faced stiff opposition from the local tribal population and from environmentalists who drummed up local and international support that resulted in the shelving of the project.

The proposal has the backing of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), which has been taking an active interest in matters concerning mining and its impact on the environment. The PMO recently asked the group of ministers to prepare a national policy that will also spell out areas that can be allowed for mining.

The mapping exercise proposed by the mines ministry will use data collected by the Indian Bureau of Mines, a body controlled by the ministry which is involved in the development of mineral resources and in protecting the environment in mining areas.

The bureau is currently engaged in developing overlays or mining areas overlapping with thick forest cover. This could be used as the basic input for adopting the ‘go’ and ‘no-go’ concept. The mines ministry exercise will support the initiative proposed by the environment ministry to collate the density data of forest areas and put it on its website. This will enable organisations, including the Geological Survey of India, to prioritise areas for exploration for minerals.

For existing mining operations, the government official quoted earlier said, the categorisation will only have minimal impact though some portion of expansion of existing mining operations may get impacted.

A recent study by global research body BMO, that backs higher investment in mining-rich countries like India, says that among industrial commodities, copper, iron ore and metallurgical coal are the top picks because of expectations of strong demand in China.

Of the 89 minerals produced in the country, four are fuel minerals, 11 metallic, 52 non-metallic and 22 minor minerals. India is the largest producer of mica blocks and mica splitting; it ranks third in the production of coal and lignite, barytes and chromite. It is the fourth-largest producer of iron ore the sixth-largest of bauxite and manganese ore and the tenth-largest producer of aluminium.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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Asia’s biggest Hi-tech Saket Court Complex inaugurated

Sunday, August 29th, 2010

Touted as Asia’s biggest Court Complex, the New Delhi’s sixth District Court came up in Saket and became operational from August 28, 2010.

Spread over 16 hectares, using a budget of Rs 313 crore,, the  seven-story centrally air-conditioned Saket Court complex has 81 courts  catering to the south and southeast districts of New Delhi, 700 lawyers’ chambers and 128 residential houses for judicial officers. Each floor is supported by a large central litigant waiting space with public amenities like toilets, drinking water and information display panels among others. Two bar rooms and a library for the judges and lawyers have also been provided. A temporary lock-up has been made for the undertrials till a permanent judicial lock-up is constructed.

Apart from having the best infrastructure in place, Saket court complex has also focused on security arrangements. Around 50 CCTV cameras have been placed in and out of the complex with a recording capacity of three days. The daily recordings will be monitored by the staff and all the entrances will be strictly monitored.

With its functioning, the litigants of south Delhi will not have to travel to the Patiala House Court complex to attend their cases. Earlier, 42 civil and criminal trial courts of New Delhi, south and south-east districts were located in the Patiala House courts. The Patiala House court complex houses a total of 5,000 lawyers and over 40 courts. At present, Patiala House Court has south district, south-east district and New Delhi district under its jurisdiction. As per the plans, only New Delhi district will stay in the Patiala House complex and other two districts will be transferred to Saket court.

From judges holding courts in the “space under the staircase” to “centrally airconditioned” courtrooms, the new swanky court complex at Saket is now a Model Court complex for other States. Sharing his experience of seeing judges working in “pathetic conditions” for the last 20 years, Chief Justice of India S H Kapadia on 28.08.2010 said that after opening of Saket court complex, which has the best infrastructural facilities, the subordinate courts will work with “dignity”.

“Can you have a judicial delivery system or justice delivery mechanism without proper infrastructure? The answer is no,” CJI Kapadia said at the inauguration of the sixth district court complex in New Delhil. CJI Kapadia said he had gone through the statistical data of the last 10 years regarding budget allocation for the judiciary and while other states had below 1% of their GDP being allocated to the judiciary, Delhi topped the chart with 1.6%. CJI Kapadia’s remarks were seconded by Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit also present at the inauguration who hinted that Saket was not going to be the last of the many district courts in the capital.” We are opening the sixth district court complex. Two more will come as and when the need arises. We can give whatever is required for the judicial system,” she said.

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Khap Panchayats and Honour Killings in India

Friday, August 27th, 2010

Kamalalini

Khap Panchayats are self styled setups that have gained notoriety for resorting to honor killings of young couples or social boycott of their families for a simple reason that they chose to marry by choice. Right to freedom of life and liberty are the basic fundamental rights enshrined in our constitution. Rarely has anyone spoken against the Khaps in spite of their brutal misdeeds let alone anyone coming forward to register a case against them. The Court must set a precedent and uphold the prosecutions plea by ordering death sentence to guilty members of the Khap, which run as parallel Kangaroo Courts in our country.

Khap Panchayats in India

Khap is a cluster of villages united by caste and geography. It is as old as 14th century started by upper caste jats to consolidate their power and position. The main rule is that all boys and girls within a khap are considered siblings.

Khap Panchayat governs the khap formed by same gotra (clan) families from several neighbouring villages. Khap panchayats are prevalent in Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh and Parts of Rajasthan. Love marriages are considered taboo in areas governed by Khap panchayats. Those living in a Khap are not allowed to marry in the same gotra or even in any gotra from the same village. Many young couples have been killed in the past defying khap rules.

Khap Panchayat imposes its writ through social boycotts and fines and in most cases end up either killing or forcing the victims to commit suicide. All this is done in the name of brotherhood and its honour. It is due to the inherent weakness of democratically elected Panchayati Raj institutions, Khap panchayats have been powerful.

The 10-15 men who constitute a Khap settle disputes and control the lives of young people. Many village people also defend these caste panchayats as they deliver the verdict in one sitting whereas court cases drag for years. According to them, in many cases innocent people get harassed in the court and by police. Here as everyone is known so they cross check everything to ensure neutrality.

In some Haryana villages, the young girls are routinely threatened, abused and killed all under Khap verdicts. It is acceptable for the families to feed pesticide pills to the teenage girls and then dispose off their bodies by burning them without any police records. The entire onus of siblinghood rests on the girl. She is the keeper of village honor. Sometimes rules are bend for the boys but a girl is never allowed to bend the rules. If couples run away then, the families risk the boycott and hefty fines in lakhs of rupees. Even the other women of the house can suffer abuse.

In keeping with the khap rules, older villages try to keep the young people apart. Some schools are also forced to have separate timings for the boys and girls. Fearing their daughters would go astray, many parents marry them off at an early age. People have unquestionable faith in the justice of khap. The question of rights for women does not exist any where in the territories ruled by Khap panchayats.

Horror killings ordered by Khap Courts

Recently, Honour Killing also reported from the Shivaganga district of South Indian state Tamil Nadu. The horrific cycle of honor killings to protect the honour of a family or a caste has now spread its tentacles to entire India.

In Shivganga, 20 year-old Megala and 24-year-old Sivakumar, were told that they could not marry as they were related. Despite Megala’s love, her family married her off in June. She eloped with Sivakumar ten days after the wedding. Her family traced the couple and killed Sivakumar with sickles.

The killers included Megala’s father and brother. Megala says that everyone in her village, including her mother, justified the killing of her lover as she fetched shame to her community and village.

For the cause of loving a person in the same caste, the cultureless caste fanatics, in the name of honour, subjected the girl Monica (18) and her lover Rinku to brutal inhuman laws as both belonged to same Jat community of Haryana’s Nimriwali village.

The father of Monica, her brother, uncle and cousins are suspected to be behind the crime and are absconding. They had done this under the guidance and protection of Khap Panchayats, the apex body of caste based council.

The main function of Khap Panchayat is murdering couples of the same gotra or sub caste in the villages of rural India.

The murder of Monica and Rinku forced the Supreme Court of India to interfere in the issue. On June 21, 2010, the Supreme Court issued notices to the Centre, Haryana government and six other states to take action against the killing of young couples.

Nirupama, a 22-year-old journalist was found murdered at her home in Jharkand. Nirupama, hails from a Brahmin family, was in love with a boy from another caste.

In May 2009, a Court in Haryana awarded capital punishment to five persons and life sentence to one for murdering a couple for marrying against the societal norms. After the verdict, the Khap Panchayat openly challenged it. They collected money to file appeal against the court verdict and demanded change in the constitution of India.

Government plans to tighten noose on Khap Panchayats

In a bid to stop the murder of young couples and their family members in the name of tradition and honour, especially under the instruction of Khap panchayats in North India, the Union home ministry has come up with a stringent law.

The proposed law will make all Khap members accomplice in the crime, besides bringing all such cases under the purview of murder (section 300 of the Indian Penal Code).

The ministry has circulated the draft of the ‘Indian Penal Code and Certain Other Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2010’, to bring changes in the IPC, Indian Evidence Act, 1872, and the Special Marriage Act, 1954, and put a leash on the spate of honour killings in recent times.

The Supreme Court had issued notices to the Centre and the Haryana, UP, Punjab, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh governments seeking information on steps taken to stop honour killings.

The home ministry wants such killings to be brought under the purview of murder and have in place a proper definition of dishonour or perceived dishonour. The new IPC provision will make Khap members accomplice in the crime and prosecute leading members of caste panchayats.

During the trial, the burden of proof will be on the accused instead of the victims. For this, a new section — 105A — will be inserted in the Indian Evidence Act.

Besides, to ensure the safety of couples marrying against the wishes of families, communities and caste panchayats, the government proposes to do away with the present compulsory 30-day notice period in the courts under section 5 of the Special Marriage Act.

This means a couple will be able to tie the knot in courts immediately after giving an application for marriage.

It was felt that the present notice period, during which the photographs of the couples were pasted on the notice board of the court, was leading to easy identification of the couples. They were being harassed and even killed by the families later.

As for the IPC amendment, the ministry feels that since caste panchayats are informal bodies with no legal status, the members of caste and clan have to be treated as accomplices in the crime. The new law will view all members of the caste panchayat ordering the killing deemed guilty by virtue of their association with such a body, whether or not they supported the act.

In the new law, “dishonour” has been explained as acts such as adopting a dress code unacceptable to family, caste, clan, community or caste panchayat; choosing to marry within or outside gotra, caste, clan, community and engaging in sexual relations unacceptable to family, caste, clan, community or caste panchayat.

The National Commission for Women has sought severe punishment for people who give provocative statements favouring such killings.

The proposed amendments IPC section 300: Inserting a new (fifth) clause indicating that culpable homicide is murder if the act by which death is caused is done with the intention of causing death or if it is done by any person or persons acting in concert with, or at the behest of a member of a family or a member of a body or group of caste or clan/community/caste panchayat (by whatever name called) in the belief that the victim has brought dishonour upon the family/caste/clan/community or caste panchayat.

Indian Evidence Act: A new section 105A will be inserted, which says when death of a member of a family occurs and a person or a group of persons is accused of acts falling within the fifth clause of section 300 of the IPC, then, the burden of proving that the case does not fall within that section shall be upon such person or persons.

Special Marriage Act: In the Section 5, the words notice “for a period of not less than 30 days” shall be omitted.

Khap Panchayats seek legal claws

Irked at being equated with the Taliban and kangaroo courts, khap panchayats in Haryana are now determined to get some legal sanction. Soon, they will draw up a set of recommendations for making “suitable” amendments to the Hindu Marriage Act (1955) at the state level so that their rulings become valid under law.

At a two-day meeting in Rohtak, the Sarv Khap Panchayat, a conglomerate of various khaps, decided to set up a core committee to suggest amendments to the Act to disallow same-gotra and same-village marriages as per Jat tradition.
Lt Col (retd) Chander Singh Dalal, an advocate in Rohtak who organized the “seminar”, said: “After elections, I plan to send the draft recommendations to each of the 90 MLAs and persuade them to bring a Bill in the assembly. I am sure it won’t be opposed. Once the amendments are brought in, there’ll be no place for dispute.”

Justice (retd) Devi Singh Teotia, a former judge of the Punjab & Haryana HC, who actively participated in the Sarv Khap Panchayat, said: ”Khap leaders are keepers of Jat tradition and they have lately been facing flak for it. If the amendments come through, there will be no more clashes between tradition and the law, and they (the khap leaders) won’t be maligned.”

He said the amendments will be sought at the state level, so that they apply to any marriage taking place in Haryana. ”One of the sections of the Hindu Marriage Act says that you can’t marry your brother or sister, unless custom permits. This exception clause was added for some south Indian customs where sibling marriages are allowed under extreme circumstances. “Since Jat custom doesn’t permit marriage within the same gotra and in the gotra of one’s parents, we can seek a similar clause.

Similarly, certain other sections need small alterations,” he said. The meeting, attended by more than 150 khap leaders besides intellectuals, doctors and social activists from the community, also debated ways to improve the khaps’ image in the media. Teotia said he suggested that a handful of educated people from the community should be nominated to assist khap leaders in taking decisions and help them in media management.

Divorce granted by Khap Panchayats not valid: SC – 26.08.2010

Divorce between estranged couple approved by Khap Panchayats (caste council) will have no legal sanctity, the Supreme Court has ruled on 26.08.2010.

A Bench of Justices P Sathasivam and B S Chauhan upheld an Allahabad High Court judgement that had quashed a Varanasi Family Court’s ruling that divorce between Mahendra Nath Yadav and Sheela Devi had become effective since it had been approved by the khap panchayat.

“The High Court has rightly held that dissolution of marriage through Panchayat as per custom prevailing in that area and in that community cannot be a ground for granting divorce under Section 13 (desertion or cruelty) of the Act, 1955.

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UPSC Civil Services Aptitude Test, 2011 – Confirmed

Thursday, August 26th, 2010

In a significant move, the Government of India has agreed to a proposal to introduce Civil Services Aptitude Test (CSAT) in place of Civil Services (Preliminary) Examination.

“The government has approved the proposal for the introduction of Civil Services Aptitude Test (CSAT) in place of Civil Services (Preliminary) Examination,” Minister of State for Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions Prithviraj Chavan informed the Rajya Sabha, on 26.08.2010.

In CSAT, one of the optional subjects which a candidate could have chosen out of 23 optionals has been replaced with a common paper on aptitude test, he said, adding the syllabus of CSAT is being worked out.

The government will shortly notify the new scheme of examination giving details of the syllabus, the Minister said in a written reply in Rajya Sabha on 26.08.2010.

Garima-II buffalo calf cloned through ‘hand-guided cloning technique’

Tuesday, August 24th, 2010

A cloned buffalo calf was born at the Karnal-based National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI) on 22.08.2010, where two calves were cloned a year ago, the Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR) announced here on 23.08.2010.

The buffalo calf, named Garima-II, was born through the new and advanced ‘hand-guided cloning technique’. It weighs 32 kg and is apparently normal and healthy. “This cloned buffalo calf is different from the earlier clone calf because, in this case, the used donor cell was an embryonic cell,” said NDRI Director A.K. Srivastava in a press statement.

Faster multiplication
According to him, the technology could go a long way in facilitating faster multiplication of superior milch buffaloes in the country. “There is an acute shortage of good bulls in the country. The technology of cloning will decrease the gap between supply and demand by breeding the bulls in the shortest possible time,” he said.

Dr. Srivastava said that although the world’s largest population of buffaloes was in India, and it contributed about 55 per cent to the total milk production in the country, the percentage of elite buffaloes was low.

Dr. Srivastava and his team of scientists, including M.S. Chauhan, S.K. Singla, R.S. Manik, Shiv Prasad and Aman George, feel that embryonic stem cells have a better cloning ability as compared to somatic cells (used in earlier cloning) that are lineage committed.

The world’s first buffalo calf through the ‘hand-guided cloning technique’ developed by the NDRI was born on February 6, 2010 but it could not survive beyond five days. The second cloned calf, Garima-I, was born on June 6, 2009. It survived and is reportedly healthy.
The new calf was developed from embryos that were cultured and grown in a laboratory and then transferred to recipient buffalo. It was born in a Caesarean operation carried out by a team of doctors from the NDRI and Chaudhary Charan Singh Agricultural University, Hisar.

New era
Congratulating the team, ICAR Director-General S. Ayyappan said the new technology of hand-guided cloning of buffaloes may lead to a “new era in faster multiplication of elite germplasm to face the challenges of increasing demands of milk in view of the ever-growing human population”.
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Fight against Child Marriage in India

Sunday, August 22nd, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

Marriage is a celebration in India, but unfortunately so is child marriage. Although we have a statute since 1929 to restrain the same, the power of that legislation in controlling this social evil is dismal. Interestingly, in the era of Chandrayan, we repeatedly hear cases of Child Marriages. Child marriage is a stigma on the forehead of our society. In a recent case, a widow and mother of six children married her 12-year-old daughter to a 35-year-old man in Channa Bakhar village of Jodhpur

The marriage took place clandestinely in the village in the presence of a few relatives and was kept hidden from other villagers. But when the news leaked, the village Panchayat and Sen Samaj declared the marriage illegal. The villagers worked together to save the girl. The Balika Vadhu has purportedly gone into hiding even as her husband Gajendra Sen and his parents were running away.

Child-marriage originated in the medieval age and was born from the same compulsions that perpetuated Sati. It was not prevalent in ancient India. The most popular form of marriage was Swayamvara where grooms assembled at the bride’s house and the bride selected her spouse. Svayam-vara can be translated as self selection of one’s husband, Svayam = self, Vara = husband. Instances of Swayamvara ceremony are found in our national epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata. Various types of marriages were prevalent in ancient India Gandharva Vivaha (love marriage), Asura Viviha (marriage by abduction) etc., But among these Bal-Viviha (Child marriage) is conspicuous in its absence.

Origin and Causes of child marriages

In the medieval ages, law and order was not yet a universal phenomenon and arbitrary powers were concentrated in the hands of a hierarchy led by a despotic monarch. In India the Sultans of Delhi who held the place of the despotic monarch, came from a different type of culture. Orthodox in their beliefs with a fanatical commitment to their religion there was a ruthless method in its propagation. Intolerant as they were to all forms of worship other than their own, they also exercised contempt for members of other faiths.

As usual, women were the victims during any war, arson, plunder, etc. During the reign of the Delhi Sultans, these were the order of the day and the worst sufferers were Hindu women. During these dark days were spawned customs like child-marriage and selection of women from the rest of the society, wearing of the Ghungat (veil). This age also perpetuated customs like Sati and looking upon the birth of a female baby as an ill omen, even killing newly born baby girls by drowning them in a tub of milk. Amidst the feeling of insecurity, the presence of young unmarried girls was a potential invitation for disaster.

The predatory Sarasenic feudal lords and princes of Sarasenic origins who stalked all over India in the middle ages were a source of constant threat. A girl at home was an invitation for disaster. As such, parents would seek to get over with the responsibilities of their daughters by getting the custom of child marriages with the ‘bride’ and ‘groom’ still in their cradles was a culmination of this tendency. This way the danger to a growing girl’s modesty was somewhat reduced.

Along with this principal reason, there were a few other reasons arising from the nature of the feudal society which were conducive for the prevalence of this practice. In a feudal society, qualities like rivalry, personal honour, hereditary friendship or enmity are rated very highly. Because of this, military alliances play a very important role in preserving or destroying the balance of power between the various kingdoms and fiefdoms. To ensure that the military alliances entered into were observed by both parties, practices like exchanging juvenile members of the respective families who were educated and brought up at each other’s palaces were followed.

They were considered to be captives who were held to ensure that the military alliances between the two kingdoms or clans were honoured. But, a more lasting bond that could back up military alliances was matrimonial alliances between members of the two families. But such matrimonial alliances could be worked out smoothly only if the bride and groom were ready to accept each other. Young men and women of marriageable age are bound to be choosy. This difficulty could be avoided when the marriage was between two children or babies where there was no question of their having any sense of choice as to who their partners in life should be.

The caste hierarchy also perhaps had its role to play in perpetuating such a system. Caste which is based on birth and heredity does not allow marriages between members of different castes. But as youngsters whose emotions and passions could be ruled by other considerations might violate this injunction. Out of the necessity to preserve itself, the hereditary caste system could have helped in nourishing the practice of child-marriage.

Among other subsidiary considerations which could have helped to preserve this custom might be the belief that adults (or adolescent) boys and girls would indulge in unhealthy moral practices. This consideration would have been more relevant in the context of the puritanical and orthodox environment of the bygone ages. The practice could also have been perpetuated, especially among- the economically weaker sections, by the consideration of keeping marriage expenses to a minimum. A child-marriage need not have been as grand an affair as adult marriages.

The Current Scenario

The legal age for marriage in India is 18 years for a female and 21 for a male as per Section 6 of the Hindu Marriages Act, 1956. Any marriage of a person younger than this is banned and punishable in India under the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006.

But child marriages still take place in India, particularly around the Hindu holy day of Akshya Tritiya. Normally Hindus decide the date for marriages based on horoscopes interpreted by pundits. Some dates however are considered so auspicious that no pundit needs to be consulted. One such day is Akshya Tritiya (also knows as Akha Teej), the third day of Baishakh, the month of the Hindu calendar generally falling in May. During this time lots of marriages take place. Unfortunately, many of them are child marriages. It is a religious tradition in many places in India and therefore quite difficult to change.

And that is really the crux of the problem — child marriages are a reflection that, like sati, women and girls are seen as property that ‘belongs’ to someone: her family, her husband, her in-laws. If her marriage is left too late, she is considered a burden to her own family. In some communities where child marriage takes place, instead of dowry there is a system of ‘bride price’ where, when the girl gets married, the husband’s family has to pay a sum of money in exchange for the bride. Instead of making things better, this system also means that families are eager to get their daughters married off so they can bring in money.

In any case, child marriages are worse for girls than for boys, since the girls are usually younger than the boys. Marriage also puts an end to any education girls may have been receiving. And if they get pregnant while still young, their health gets much worse since their bodies are often not ready to bear children. According to the United Nations, maternal mortality i(which indicates the number of women dying in childbirth or from pregnancy-related causes) is 25 times higher for girls under 15, and two times higher for 15-19-year-olds.

Interestingly enough, around the same time as Akshya Tritiya in 2010, the United Nations had just concluded a special session on children where they adopted 21 child welfare goals for the next decade. One of these was to end “harmful traditional or customary practices such as early and forced marriage”.

Consequences of Child Marriage

All children have a right to care and protection; to develop and grow into a complete and full individual, regardless of their social and economic situation. Child marriage is a blatant violation of all these rights.

Child marriage denies children their basic rights to good health, nutrition, education, and freedom from violence, abuse and exploitation.

When the persons in the marriage are children, their body and mind are put to grave and heinous danger. Most often the child is not even aware of what really awaits her/him as a consequence. Marriage by its very institution imposes certain social responsibilities on the persons in it. It also provides the legal sanction for engaging in sexual activity and procreation. This amounts to sanction for child sexual abuse and rape.

For girls early marriage is the beginning of frequent and unprotected them to early motherhood, reproductive tract infections and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS. It also means frequent pregnancies and abortions.

Early marriage resulting in early motherhood means placing both the young mother and her baby at risk. It leads to increase in the rate of infant mortality and maternal mortality and birth of babies who have low birth weight, malnutrition and anaemia.

Early child marriage violates the child’s right to education. Children remain illiterate and unskilled, which in turn limits their opportunities for economic employment and economic independence as an adult.

Child brides often experience a sudden decline in their social networks, leaving them with few friends and peers if any. Such social isolation pose a host of other challenges that limit their ability to promote their health, development and well-being.

Parents justify early marriage as a way to protect the girl child from violence. However, parents do not understand that child marriage actually opens the door to an endless and vicious cycle of domestic violence and abuse. Marriage is also often used as the first step to trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation, forced labour or any other purpose.

Preference for sons leads to female foeticide adding to the woes of the girl child. It results in fall in the number of girls available for marriage and hence buying of young brides, particularly in states with a skewed sex ratio. Some girl children are victims of “fake marriages” after which they are trafficked for sexual exploitation or as labour. Reports from Haryana, Punjab, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan bear testimony to this.

The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006

The basic premise of the law is:

  1. To make a child go through a marriage is an offence.
  2. Child or minor is a person up to 18 years in the case of girls and 21 years in the case of boys.

Voidability of Marriage at the Option of Child

Unlike the earlier legislation, wherein there was no provision for the voidability of the marriage, the new legislation makes the child marriage voidable at the option of contracting party who was a child at the time of marriage i.e. the child who has been married off has the option to go to the court of appropriate jurisdiction (district court or family court, as the case may be) and get his/her marriage declared cancelled. Further, there were only punishments prescribed for individuals getting into child marriage i.e. for the male adult, for the guardians who solemnized the marriage and for individuals who conduct or perform the marriage in any manner. However, the punishment was a meager simple imprisonment upto three months and fine.

However, under the new Act, the child can get the marriage cancelled if he/she so desires.  If she does not exercise this option then the marriage remains valid. At the same time, if one spouse is not a child, he cannot get his marriage cancelled and he has to fulfill all the marital obligations of a husband like sustaining the wife, maintenance etc.

This option can be exercised by the child who has been married off and not by anybody else. If the child is still a minor at the time of filing the petition, the guardian can file the petition along with the Child Marriage Prohibition officer for him.

Further, a limitation period of two years from the date of attaining majority has been imposed.

While granting a decree of nullity under this section, the district court shall make an order directing both the parties to the marriage and their parents or their guardians to return to the other party, his or her parents or guardian, as the case may be, the money, valuables, ornaments and other gifts received on the occasion of the marriage by them from the other side, or an amount equal to the value of such valuables, ornaments, other gifts and money. Further, no order for nullity shall be passed unless the concerned parties have been given notices to appear before the district court and show cause why such order should not be passed.

Maintenance and Residence for the Female Child

Section 4 of the Act makes a provision for maintenance and residence to female contracting party to child marriage. If the child marriage is cancelled or nullified, then the district court may also make an interim or final order directing the male contracting party to the child marriage, and in case the male contracting party to such marriage is a minor, his parent or guardian to pay maintenance to the female contracting party to the marriage until her remarriage.

Looking at the social conditions in India, it can be imagined that it would be difficult for the girl to find a good residential place for herself. Therefore, the law along with making provision for maintenance also gives the power to court to make a suitable order as to her residence.

Children of Child Marriage – Their Custody, Legitimacy and Maintenance

The law also makes provision for custody and maintenance of children of child marriages. It gives the discretion to make a suitable order for the custody of such children. Undoubtedly, while making an order for the custody of a child under this section, the welfare and best interests of the child shall be the paramount consideration to be given by the district court.

An order for custody of a child may also include appropriate directions for giving to the other party access to the child in such a manner as may best serve the interests of the child, and such other orders as the district court may, in the interest of the child, deem proper. The district court may also make an appropriate order for providing maintenance to the child by a party to the marriage or their parents or guardians.

To dive further into the problems and consequences of child marriage, another issue that could arise, would be the legitimacy of the children born under a child marriage where such marriage has been declared to be null.

Punishments

Originally, Child Marriage was dealt with by the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929 (Act 19 of 1929). In 2006, it was repealed and replaced by The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006. It contains 21 Sections.

Sections 9, 10, 11 and 13 of The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 deal with punishments for various contraventions.

Section 9: The punishments for a male adult marrying a child shall be rigorous imprisonment upto two years or fine upto one lakh rupees or both.

Section 10: The punishment for solemnising a child marriage in the form of performing the child marriage or abetting in any form shall be punishable with rigorous imprisonment which may extend to two years and shall be liable to fine which may extend to one lakh rupees unless he proves that he had reasons to believe that the marriage was not a child marriage.

Section 11: The law makes provision for the punishment of any person having charge of the child, whether as parent or guardian or any other person or in any other capacity, lawful or unlawful, including any member of an organization or association of persons who does any act to promote the marriage or permits it to be solemnised, or negligently fails to prevent it from being solemnised, including attending or participating in a child marriage. The quantum of punishment has been laid down as rigorous imprisonment which may extend to two years and shall also be liable to fine which may extend up to one lakh rupees. The Act makes an exception in case of women and provides that no woman shall be punishable with imprisonment.

Section 13: Prescribes punishment for performing child marriage by disobeying the injunction granted by any competent Court and the punishment is imprisonment of either description which may extend to two years or with fine which may extend up to one lakh rupees or with both.

Further, the action also makes a presumption against the accused (which is again a deference from the normal law that the accused is always presumed innocent till proven guilty). It is presumed, unless and until the contrary is proved, that where a minor child has contracted a marriage, the person having charge of such minor child has negligently failed to prevent the marriage from being solemnised.

Marriages to be void in certain cases

The law further lays down the few cases in which the marriage of a minor child is to be void, i.e. where the child,

  • is taken or enticed out of the keeping of the lawful guardian; or
  • by force compelled, or by any deceitful means induced to go from any place; or
  • is sold for the purpose of marriage; and made to go through a form of marriage or if the minor is married after which the minor is sold or trafficked or used for immoral purposes,
  • such marriage shall be null and void.

A complaint regarding a possible child marriage may be made by any person having personal knowledge or reason to believe, and a non-governmental organisation having reasonable information, relating to the likelihood of taking place of solemnisation of a child marriage or child marriages.

It is also provided that the Court of the Judicial Magistrate of the first class or the Metropolitan Magistrate may also take suo motu cognizance on the basis of any reliable report or information.

The mass marriages conducted on the day of akshay trutiya are not unknown.  For the purposes of preventing solemnisation of mass child marriages on certain days such as Akshaya Trutiya, the District Magistrate shall be deemed to be the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer with all powers as are conferred on a Child Marriage Prohibition Officer by or under this Act. The District Magistrate shall also have additional powers to stop or prevent solemnisation of child marriages and for this purpose, he may take all appropriate measures and use the minimum force required.

Offences to be cognizable and non-bailable

Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, an offence punishable under The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 206 shall be cognizable and non-bailable.

Child Marriage Prohibition Officers

This statute also introduced the concept of special Child Marriage Prohibition Officers.

With the coming into force of the Act, the State Government shall, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint for the whole State or such part thereof as may be specified in that notification, an officer or officers to be known as the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer having jurisdiction over the area or areas specified in the notification. The State Government may also request a respectable member of the locality with a record of social service or an officer of the Gram Panchayat or Municipality or an officer of the Government or any public sector undertaking or an office bearer of any non-governmental organisation to assist the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer and such member, officer or office bearer, as the case may be, shall be bound to act accordingly.

The duties of the CMPO are:

  • to prevent solemnisation of child marriages by taking such action as he may deem fit;
  • to collect evidence for the effective prosecution of persons contravening the provisions of this Act;
  • to advise either individual cases or counsel the residents of the locality generally not to indulge in promoting, helping, aiding or allowing the solemnisation of child marriages;
  • to create awareness of the evil which results from child marriages;
  • to sensitize the community on the issue of child marriages;
  • to furnish such periodical returns and statistics as the State Government may direct; and
  • to discharge such other functions and duties as may be assigned to him by the State Government.

The State Government may invest the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer with such powers of a police officer as may be needed and issue a notification in such respect.  The Child Marriage Prohibition Officer shall have the power to move the Court for an order under sections 4, 5 and 13 and along with the child under section 3.

The Child Marriage Prohibition Officers shall be deemed to be public servants.

This Act is not in force as of now, i.e. sometimes after a statute receives the assent of the parliament, the state needs to develop the necessary machinery to actually put the Act and its provisions into action. It shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint; and different dates may be appointed for different States.

To stop such child marriages, governments and civil society organisations are trying to get laws against child marriage made stronger, since it does not seem to be working in its present state. Right now the police cannot make arrests without applying for a magistrate’s order, which may take days. The punishment, a maximum of three months in prison, and a fine is not enough to stop people. Proposed changes include more punishment, a compulsory registration of all marriages rather than just religious rites, the appointment of anti-child marriage officers in every state, and making it a law that anyone who attends a child marriage has to report it.

40% child marriages in India: UNICEF

Forty per cent of the world’s child marriages take place in India, resulting in a vicious cycle of gender discrimination, illiteracy and high infant and maternal mortality rates.

According to the UNICEF’s latest “State of the World’s Children-2009” report, discrimination on the basis of gender has a direct impact on maternal health. It can deny girls and women access to education, prevent them from receiving or seeking adequate health care and bar them from making critical decisions that can affect their health and that of the newborn.

Saving the lives of mothers and their newborns require more than just medical intervention. To be truly effective, these interventions must exist within an environment supportive of women’s rights. This, the report suggests, requires respect for the rights of women and children, quality education, a decent standard of living, protection from abuse, exploitation, discrimination and violence and empowerment of women.

Educating girls and women is not only pivotal to improving maternal and neonatal health, but it also has tangible benefits for families and societies.

Educated women are more likely to delay marriages, ensure their children are immunised, be better informed about nutrition for themselves and their children, and choose safer birth spacing practices. Their children have higher survival rates than those of uneducated women and tend to be better nourished.

Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh top list of child marriages

Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh have topped in the list of child marriages in India, a government data released on, Mar 30, 2010 said.

According to National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report, the national capital has recorded one such incident in the year 2008.

This is only the second case reported from Delhi in this decade. It had recorded one such incident in 2003.

The report noted that 23 cases have been reported from Gujarat and 19 cases were reported in Andhra Pradesh.

The other states which reported child marriage cases in 2008 are Karnataka (9), Bihar (8), Punjab and West Bengal (6 each), Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra (5 each), Haryana, Kerala and Tamil Nadu (4 each), Rajasthan (3), Himachal and Madhya Pradesh (2 each) and Assam, Goa and Orissa (one each).

The Child Marriages that took place in India are 99 in 2006, 96 in 2007 and 104 in 2008 as per Crime in India 2008, a publication of National Crimes Records Bureau in India. This is only a tip of the iceberg but in reality most of the Child Marriages go unreported in India as the Child Marriages are sloemnised willingly by the family members and they feel that it is not a crime and hence no report comes against it. It can be prevented only when the society is educated, especially the girls.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

******

300% Pay rise for Members of Parliament in India

Saturday, August 21st, 2010

Hours after the Union Cabinet on 19.08.2010 cleared a 300 per cent salary hike, from Rs. 16,000 to Rs. 50,000, for members of Parliament and doubled their perks, they appeared to be a dissatisfied lot and stalled the Lok Sabha proceedings thrice during the day, demanding more money.

Though the Cabinet, which met in Delhi under the chairmanship of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, approved the Bill seeking a three-fold increase in the basic salary of MPs, it fell short of the Rs. 80,001 recommended by a joint parliamentary committee, which stated that an MP should get at least Re. 1 more than the top Central government bureaucrats.

Besides salary, an MP gets an allowance of Rs.1,000 for each day the Parliament is in session or for taking part in House committee meetings. This has been doubled. A member is also entitled to a constituency allowance of Rs.20,000 a month and an office expense allowance of Rs.20,000 a month. These perks have also been doubled.

The increase will be given with retrospective effect from May 2009, when the 15th Lok Sabha was constituted. However, the increase will be implemented when the Bill seeking amendment to the Salaries and Allowances of Members of Parliament Act, 1954, is brought in Parliament and passed by both the Houses.

The deadlock over MPs’ salary hike ended on 20.08.2010 after the government’s trouble-shooter Pranab Mukherjee met agitating parliamentarians who are unhappy with the three-fold increase and are demanding a 500 per cent raise. The government is likely to consider marginally increasing the hike, official sources said.

How much an MP will now get?

The following is the summary of monetary benefits MPs are entitled to as salary and other perks which were on 19.08.2010 proposed to be hiked manifold.

Each MP gets:

  1. Basic salary of Rs 16,000. The salary has been hiked by 300 percent as proposed by the cabinet.
  2. Daily allowance of Rs 1,000 for each day when parliament is in session or taking part in house committee meetings. This has been doubled.
  3. Constituency allowance of Rs 20,000 a month. This has been doubled.
  4. Office expense allowance of Rs 20,000 each month. Also doubled.
  5. Conveyance allowance of Rs 1 lakh, which has gone up to Rs 4 lakh now.
  6. Spouses of MPs get free train travel from their place of residence to Delhi. They also get up to eight free plane tickets from their place of residence to Delhi.

With pay hike, an MP to cost Rs 37 Lakh a year

Not satisfied with a three-fold hike in their basic salary, many MPs stalled Parliament proceedings on 19.08.2010, saying that the “low” hike was an insult to the country’s legislators. But do these MPs have a case? Times of India did some calculations to help our MPs do a reality check on how their pay packet compares with countries around the world.

In comparison with legislators from the developed world, Indian MPs may appear to be poorly paid when we compare basic salaries at normal forex rates. However, this can be misleading.

It’s well known that basic salary is only a small part of the overall compensation given to an MP. Hence we did some calculations to get a rough estimate of the overall cost of an MP to his or her country by finding out the approximate monetary values of various perks and allowances. Converting this into international dollars in terms of purchasing power parity (the same benchmark that makes India the world’s fourth largest economy), it works out that Indian MPs cost more to the country than their counterparts in Singapore, Japan and Italy — nations globally known for their highly paid politicians.

Without including accommodation, travel, medical facilities and water charges, and taking 151 Parliament session days (from June 1, 2009 to June 1, 2010) as the annual average, it works out that the new salaries and allowances (constituency allowance, office, telephone, internet, furniture, electricity, daily allowances) given to an MP is worth more than Rs 20 lakh annually.

Now, consider the accommodation provided free or at nominal rates to MPs at some of the most upscale localities in the country — places like Lodhi Estate, Aurangzeb Road, Tughlak Lane, Akbar Road and Ferozeshah Road in Lutyens Delhi — where rent for a two or three BHK flat can go up to Rs 2 lakh a month. We can safely assume that an MP living at these places gets an additional perk of Rs 1 lakh per month by way of saving rent.

To calculate the average cost of air travel of an MP, we considered Kolkata as a point of reference (some constituencies may be farther or nearer) and assumed that an MP travels by Air India booking the ticket one week in advance. By that count, the 34 single air journeys that each MP is entitled to in a year, costs Rs 5 lakh. This brings an MP’s compensation to more than Rs 37 lakh annually.

When converted to PPP dollars, each MP’s pay and perks work out to 2.2 lakh PPP dollars — higher than the salary plus perks of MPs in Singapore (2.1 lakh) Japan (1.9 lakh) and Italy (1.9 lakh). In comparison, the cost to country of an MP in Pakistan — at 46,000 PPP dollars — makes legislators in that country appear positively poor.

There’s another way of looking at the pay packets of our MPs — by comparing it with the people they claim to represent. India’s per capita GDP being $ 3,176 (PPP), it works out that after the hikes our MPs will cost the country 68 times more than what an average Indian earns annually. That makes the disparity in India between the citizen’s average income and an MP’s cost to country, among the highest in the world. Kenya is an example of an even higher disparity, with its MPs earning 180 times the average population. The ratio is 35 for the US while for most of Western Europe and Japan, the cost of an MP doesn’t exceed 10 times the country’s per capita income.

MPs may get Rs.10,000 more – 21.08.2010

The government appears to have achieved a compromise with the Opposition parties on the issue of increasing the salary and allowances of members of Parliament. The constituency allowance will be hiked by Rs. 5,000 and the secretarial allowance by Rs. 5,000, adding up to Rs. 10,000 a month.

Courtesy: The Hindu and Times of India

Dream Dare Win

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Menace of Kangaroo Courts or Katta Panchayats in India

Saturday, August 21st, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

Kangaroo Court or Katta Panchayat is one where there is an unfair trial in which the rights of the accused and precepts of justice are ignored and the outcome is usually known beforehand.

The origins of the term are obscure. Oddly, it does not seem to have originated in Australia; the first uses of the term are found in the American West in the 1850’s. None of the theories of its origin are particularly plausible. The most appealing version has it that “kangaroo courts” initially tried “claim jumpers”, and the name arose from associative wordplay.

It is a self-appointed or mob-operated tribunal that disregards or parodies existing principles of law or human rights, esp. one in a frontier area or among criminals in prison. It is also a crudely or irregularly operated court, esp. one so controlled as to render a fair trial impossible.

A kangaroo court or kangaroo trial, sometimes likened to a drumhead court-martial, refers to a sham legal proceeding or court. The colloquial phrase “kangaroo court” is used to describe judicial proceedings that deny due process rights in the name of expediency. Such rights include the right to summon witnesses,

  • the right of cross-examination,
  • the right not to incriminate oneself,
  • the right not to be tried on secret evidence,
  • the right to control one’s own defense,
  • the right to exclude evidence that is improperly obtained, irrelevant or inherently inadmissible, e.g., hearsay, the right to exclude judges or jurors on the grounds of partiality or conflict of interest, and
  • the right of appeal.

The outcome of a trial by “kangaroo court” is essentially determined in advance, usually for the purpose of providing a conviction, either by going through the motions of manipulated procedure or by allowing no defense at all.

July 13 2010- Katihar, Bihar

A 35-year-old woman was allegedly stripped and whipped after she defied the diktat of a kangaroo court in Bihar’s Katihar district to remarry her second husband.  The illegal court at the Gwaltoli-Kalyannagar village summoned the woman on July 8 2010 and directed her to remarry her second husband from whom she had divorced earlier claimed SP P Kanan, quoting the FIR lodged by her.

Kanan said the woman’s first husband died four years after their marriage and then she married Mohammad Islam of the same village and the couple had a son. But, the marriage did not work and the couple divorced.

Subsequently, when her five-year-old son was down with fever, she had to call her divorced husband as she was living in penury. After the son recovered, Islam left. Kanan said Islam and his brother Samsuddin later connived in summoning the kangaroo court which was headed by a former mukhiya, Akalu.

The kangaroo court first asked her to pay money equivalent to that required for construction of a house, besides wheat and rice to the former mukhiya. As she refused she was dragged to a mangrove on the outskirts of the village, stripped and whipped.

This incident raises a question regarding India’s so-called democracy. Kangaroo courts have been the bane of India. What is a kangaroo court and how is it reigning supremacy in India?

Kangaroo Courts in Tamil Nadu

In India, despite repeated court directives to end the practice, the system of dispensing ‘justice’ through kangaroo courts continues in rural and urban places like Tamil Nadu, Haryana etc. Interaction with leaders of political parties, activists of human rights organisations, lawyers and police officials reveal that the illegal system has its pervasive influence in almost all sectors and in rural and urban areas.

A. Manoharan and his wife, Vanitha, who, along with their two daughters, have been ostracised from their hamlet, Panaiyur Periakuppam in Kancheepuram district, by the “meenavar” panchayat, a kangaroo court, over a land dispute. The Madras High Court ordered police protection to the family, but they continue to live in fear.

The Madras High Court has again come down heavily on the katta panchayats (kangaroo courts) operating in different parts of Tamil Nadu. Through an order on December 19, 2008, it directed the authorities concerned to take effective steps to curb the activities of these extrajudicial bodies.

The High Court, in its latest order, chastised the (fishermen’s) panchayat of Panaiyur Periakuppam hamlet in Kancheepuram district for issuing a fiat excommunicating a family following a land dispute. As per the court’s direction to provide protection to the “excommunicated” family, the police entered the hamlet inhabited by 255 fishermen’s families on December 20, 2008.

A. Manoharan, head of the ostracised family, claims that he lived in perpetual fear though the kattapanchayatdars were lying low owing to the police presence in the hamlet. He said that even on the day after the High Court passed its order, a gang instigated by the panchayat stormed his residence, forcing them to put up a grill door to protect themselves.

According to him, Krishnan was not only prevented from entering the village but also asked to hand over possession of a portion of the disputed land to the panchayat. They had sought an apology from Manoharan’s wife, Vanitha, for lodging a complaint with the police alleging that functionaries of the panchayat were threatening her family with excommunication if a solution was not found to the land issue. She was also barred from meeting her father.

As Manoharan and his wife did not budge, the panchayat made a public announcement to residents of the hamlet that no one should communicate with or help the family, including the children. Those who violated the decision would be excommunicated and a fine of Rs.10,000 would be imposed on them, it said. Close on the heels of the announcement, miscreants went on the rampage at the coconut grove owned by Manoharan, destroying coconuts.

Pervasive influence

With economic and social relations in the rural areas undergoing a transformation, even the traditional oor (community) panchayats in several villages have started losing their importance. In some other villages, the composition of such panchayats has changed drastically and they have been reduced to kangaroo courts controlled by self-styled village heads assisted by their henchmen. In certain places they control the village’s resources too. They continue to award punishments while settling family, civil and monetary disputes.

Functionaries of the Tamil Nadu Village Panchayat Presidents’ Federation pointed out that the katta panchayat system existed in 30 per cent of the 12,618 villages in the State.

These panchayats are strikingly similar to the khap panchayats of Haryana insofar as issuing fatwas and awarding punishments such as fines and social boycotts. Both courts mean to silence the new social forces that have risen from among the deprived sections of society, women and Dalits and are challenging status quoist forces. Predictably, women are kept away from these kangaroo courts.

Certain judges have observed that many actions taken by the katta panchayat result in deprivation of social status, access to basic facilities like food, water and shelter, denial of cultural facilities like common worship, access to religious events, etc., and denial of economic opportunities like employment, finances, etc. As such, these would constitute violation of human rights guaranteed.

In a particular case recently, an employee of the Telecom Department, along with her mother, was summoned by six panchayatdars of Valayapatti village in Tiruchi district and ordered to pay a fine of Rs.50, 000 for not complying with their direction to her to join her husband. The panchayatdars also made the victims prostrate before them repeatedly from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. to reduce the quantum of fine.

The shrinking area under cultivation owing to the non-profitability of agriculture against the backdrop of globalisation, the lack of alternative jobs and the escalating problem of unemployment in rural areas have contributed in a big way to the flourishing of katta panchayats.

R. Nallakannu, veteran leader of the Communist Party of India and chairman of the central control commission of the party, is of the view that the erstwhile oor panchayats in villages have given way to katta panchayats run by persons who have close links with “dadas” and certain political bigwigs operating in cities and towns. Police intervention is totally absent whenever the kattapanchayatdars indulge in out-of-court arbitration, he says, and adds that the illegal system has percolated from the district and taluk headquarters to the villages now.

Katta panchayats in rural areas are run by a combination of the rural rich, contractors and anti-social elements. The katta panchayat is used against people’s movements even as the law-enforcing authority turns a blind eye to it. In many cases, officials have been hand in glove with those running katta panchayats.

As in any other conflict, women and the weaker sections, including Dalits, bear the brunt of the onslaught of the katta panchayat.

In urban areas, the katta panchayat has assumed an entirely different role fostered by the politician-anti-social nexus, particularly in the wake of the real estate boom in recent years. In Chennai and other cities and major towns, they are run by underworld dons, who adopt strategies such as the forging of documents to resort to illegal arbitration and the intimidation and abduction of victims to deal with cases relating to property disputes, business rivalries and money transactions.

In Madurai and its suburbs, the menace has reached a level where property deals worth more than Rs.2 crore cannot be registered unless they are cleared by certain politically influential persons, claims S. Selva Gomathi, secretary of the human rights wing of the Society for Community Organisation Trust.

In certain areas katta panchayats are also run by political functionaries, mostly belonging to the ruling party because it is they who are powerful, have the protection of political godfathers, and have the tacit assistance of officials of the law-enforcing agencies, says Anita Tiphagne, a functionary of People’s Watch. According to her, “the katta panchayat does not follow any principle of the rule of law. It is, therefore, a system of justice delivery by the powerful using their power and very often silencing the powerless.”

The most dangerous aspect of the katta panchayat relates to caste discrimination, more particularly in villages in Madurai, Ramanthapuram, Pudukottai and Sivaganga districts, according to T. Lajapathiroy, joint secretary of the Madurai unit of the Lawyers for Human Rights. Persons belonging to traditionally powerful families of the dominant communities, who run the katta panchayat, issue fatwas prohibiting Dalits from purchasing land in some areas while in some other areas tenants are forced to leave the land they cultivate.

Citing an example in a village at Melur taluk in Madurai district, he says Dalits have been prevented from participating in the auction of temple land. “If any person violates the ‘fatwa’, his/her entire family will be excommunicated.”

He claims two Dalits of Thennagarampatti village were murdered in July 1992 for violating the panchayat’s order, and the Karur Sessions Court awarded double life imprisonment against 26 persons in the case in August 2008. According to a study done by Thamizmurasu, from 1983 to 2007 a total of 27 Dalits were murdered in Madurai district alone for not honouring katta panchayat’s decisions.

The cumbersome process of disposal of cases by courts is said to be a major factor contributing to the mushrooming of katta panchayats, which yield instant results. According to official sources, as many as 3.9 lakh civil cases and 36,000 criminal cases were pending in the Madras High Court. In the subordinate courts, the numbers as on December 31, 2007, were nearly five lakh civil cases and 4.30 lakh criminal cases.

Opinions differ on the question of adequacy of the laws to curb the katta panchayat menace. Justice Karpagavinayagam, in his judgment on April 8, 2004, said that having regard to the alarming situation, which has become uncontrollable, the court found it proper to suggest to the government that it would be advisable to issue an ordinance exclusively for eradicating the evil of katta panchayats.

As the persons associated with the katta panchayat more often than not were officials of the State/local administration/police, they must be made aware of the provisions under which action can be taken against katta panchayats and that even a private party could not violate Articles 21, 23 and 25 of the Constitution and all were bound by Article 51-A, she had submitted then.

Officials feel that amendments are needed to the property registration and rent control laws to prevent the registration of forged documents. Director General of Police K.P. Jain recently sent a circular to police officers listing 14 guidelines to be followed while dealing with disputes relating to land and money matters. The circular made it clear that katta panchayats should be dealt with severely.

As per the court’s direction, the then Chief Secretary to the Tamil Nadu government had sent separate letters to all departments in November 2003 stating that government servants should not be allowed to involve themselves in katta panchayats. In pursuance of that, the then Director General of Police sent letters to subordinate officers to take effective steps against katta panchayats by registering first information reports (FIRs).

A Division Bench of the High Court said in 2005 that in its opinion, katta panchayats could not flourish in the first place without the collusion of the police and other authorities, or by their turning a blind eye to these unlawful activities. If such unlawful, extra-constitutional activities are not put down with an iron hand, there will gradually be a collapse of law and order and democracy in the State. Hence the division directed all the State authorities to take strong action in accordance with the law to put down these unlawful, hooligan activities which have mushroomed in several areas of the State of Tamil Nadu and institute criminal prosecution against those who are involved.

Katta panchayats are unofficially run, and are in fact usurped powers by rowdies, who rule and run parallel governance in India. While such kangaroo courts are present elsewhere also they are more common in India than elsewhere. In the case of Kangaroo courts practiced in India, the rowdies who pass these judgments, always award the punishments to innocent people and free the actual cultprits/criminals. Or if they punish a person,  that would be for such a silly reason that it does not warrant even a reprimand or a few abuses. But in Kangaroo courts the punishments will be rapes or amputations of men´s legs. Very rarely the actual culprits or criminals would get the punishment through kangaroo courts.

Interestingly all the law enforcing agencies including police, intelligence, judiciary and the officialdom know about the operation of these kangaroo courts but none of them can do any thing to stop them. The main reason is all the government agencies are passive or active associates of these kangaroo courts and the associated criminals. For any problem, crime, issue that are small or big, constitutionally valid laws or courts are not given importance as the law enforcing agencies are there to mediate and investigate the cases.

Now the most unfortunate situation is since the highly educated experts in the legal system were of no use/could help the innocent victims, if and when they prefer to go through the proper channel (legal process) the case is much worse. Because most of the people who sit in the kangaroo courts passing the judgments do not know a,b,c,ds of the language or even the vernacular languages let alone the law. Now one can imagine what kind of judgments such people pass on the innocent people. Without going into the correctness of the judgments, the public silently absorb all the atrocities, lest their heads will roll if they protest or argue against the judgments. Who is the final authority to give these judgments? The one who passes the street-fight successfully showing strength in a fist of fury. This is the basis to become the person who can pass judgments.

A few examples wherein severe punishments are given for silly reasons by the kangaroo courts are: (i) Sitting posture of a person (even within his/her home) could be offending to some people who are desperate to find an excuse to escape from their crimes (enough for a murder or rape), (ii) A male walking on the road and a girl/woman crosses opposite and in a fraction of a second the man inadvertently might have looked at the other person or did not look also (that is enough to say that this fellow has seen the girl/woman and hence some atrocities could be committed against him or his relatives). In the above case, even if he had looked at the person who is coming in the opposite direction or somewhere along his walk, nothing would have happened to the girl/woman. But the kangaroo courts immediately swing into action to amputate the person or his relatives or rape one of the relatives of the man who walked along the road, are awarded, as it seems to be the case.

Disadvantages of Katta Panchayat (Kangaroo Courts)

The person sitting on top of the katta panchayats are mostly the ones with muscle power only. Of course they would know all the Indian Penal Code (IPC) sections as they frequent jail for different types of crimes. The people of Katta panchayats are illiterate and they cannot be a match to an educated judge sitting in a High Court or a Supreme Court. The only thing that they know or their philosophy is street fights. They think that they are doing correct thing and are passing correct judgments. If the Judges, Public Prosecutors, Investigating officer could be bribed or bought, is it difficult to purchase a Katta panchayat leader or the person who is passing these judgments in the Katta panchat? For them some flimsy reasons are enough to indulge serious crimes on innocents. These Katta panchayat people have all sorts of cheating as their weapons and sometimes there will be a competition between the rowdies and the police as to who cheats the public better.

What is the remedy to prevent these kangaroo courts that run parallel government. The law of the land has to extend its long arm to chase them away and keep a watch on their activities. Anywhere, any body passing individual judgments or threatening innocent people have to be booked. The whole network of these kangaroo courts and their tenter hooks wherever they are have to be broken to restore a real democracy instead of the democracy followed now which is a farce.

Dream Dare Win

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*****

Leh Cloudburst – Is it Nature’s Fury?

Monday, August 16th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

Leh:

Ladakh, a part  of  Jammu &  Kashmir  State in  north  of India consisting of two districts Leh and Kargil. Leh with an  area of 45110 Sq Km makes it largest district in the country in terms of area. It lies between 32  to 36 degree North latitude and 75 degree to 80 degree East longitude. The district is bounded by Pakistan occupied Kashmir in the West and China in the north and eastern part and Lahul Spiti of Himachal  Pradesh  in  South East.

It is at a distance of  434 Kms from Srinagar and  474 Kms from  Manali. Leh district comprises of Leh town and 112 inhabited villages and one un-inhabited village. The total population of Leh district is 1,17,232.

History of Leh:

In the ancient times the present Leh district was a part of Greater Ladakh spread over from Kailash Mansarover to Swaat (Dardistan). The Greater ladakh was neither under the Domain of Tibet or its influence. Not much information is available about the ancient History of Ladakh. However, reference about the place and its neighbourhood in Arab, Chinese and Mongolian histories gives an idea that in the 7th Century A.D fierce wars were fought by Tibet and China in Baltistan area of the Greater Ladakh in which deserts and barren mountains of Ladakh was turned into battle fields for the warring armies.

In the 8th century A.D Arabs also jumped into these wars and changed their sides between China and Tibet. Around this period, the ruler of Kashmir, Laltadita conquered Ladakh. In the 8th Century A.D itself, The Arabs conquered Kashghar and established their control over Central asia which embraced Islam in the 9th century A.d and thus a buffer state came into being between Tibet and China, terminating the hostilities between the two warring countries. The greater Ladakh also fell into peices.

The ancient inhabitants of Ladakh were Dards, and Indo-Aryan race from down the Indus. But immigration from Tibetmore than a thousand years ago largly overwhelmedthe culture of the Dards and moped up their racial characters. IN eastern and central Ladakh, todays population seems to be mostly of Tibet origin. Budhism reached Tibet from India via Ladakh. The area was the stronghold of Budhism before Islam reached Ladakh.

A thousand years ago before the contol of Tibets rule, Raja Skitde Nemagon, ruled over Ladakh which was known as Muryul (Red Country), as most of the mountains and the soil in Ladakh wears a red tinge. In the 10th Century A.D Skitday Nemagon, along with a couple of hundred men, invaded Ladakh where there was no central authority. The Land was divided in small principalities, which were at war with each other. Nemagon defeated all of them and established a strong central authority. Those days Shey, was the capital of Ladakh became to be known as Nariskorsoom, a country of three provinces. The present Ladakh was divided into two provinces while the third comprised western Tibet. The area of western Tibet slipped away from the kingdom but was reunited in 16th Century A.D. by the famous Ladakhi ruler Sengge Namgyal. Ladakh was an independent country since the middle of 10th century.

In the post-partition senario, Pakistan and China illegally occupied 78,114 sq. km and 37,555 sq.km of the state, respectively while the remaining part of the state acceeded to India. Pakistan also illegally gifted 5180 sq.kms of this area to China. Ladakh, comprising the areas of present Leh and Kargil districts, became one of the seven districts of the State. In 1979 when the reorganisation of the districts was carries out, the Ladakh district was divided into two full fledged of Leh and Kargil.

Cloudburst on 6.08.2010

Flash floods and massive landslides, triggered by a series of cloudbursts, have killed 179 people and injured at least 607 in Leh town and its adjoining villages in the Ladakh division in Jammu and Kashmir on Thursday 5.08.2010 night.

What is Cloudburst?

A cloudburst is an extreme form of rainfall, sometimes mixed with hail and thunder, which normally lasts no longer than a few minutes but is capable of creating flood conditions. This leads to flash floods/ landslides, house collapse, dislocation of traffic and human casualties on large scale.

Cloudbursts descend from very high clouds, sometimes with tops above 15 kilometers. Meteorologists say the rain from a cloudburst is usually of the shower type with a fall rate equal to or greater than 100mm (3.94 inches) per hour.

During a cloudburst, more than 2cm of rain may fall in a few minutes. When there are instances of cloudbursts, the results can be disastrous. Rapid precipitation from cumulonimbus clouds is possible due to so called Langmuir precipitation process in which large droplets can grow rapidly by coagulating with smaller droplets which fall down slowly.

The Disaster

85 bodies have been recovered from the flooded areas as per the statement of J and K Director General of Police Kuldeep Khoda. Among the dead were three jawans of the Army Service Corps. He said that at least 350 people are in the army hospital with injuries, and that many more people were trapped under houses and buildings that have collapsed.

He said a massive rescue operation was underway involving the state police, paramilitary forces and the army in Leh town.

According to sources, the cloudburst happened between 12.30 and 1.00 am on Friday the 6th of August 2010.

The BSNL network was completely damaged, besides the runway of the Leh airport, cutting off the town from the rest of the country. The district hospital and two buildings which were housing offices of the Union Home Ministry were also affected.

Five villages have been hit in the sudden downpour and flashfloods. These included Choglumsar and Shapoo. Old Leh city was among the worst affected. The main bus stand was flattened.

Leh is located at a height of 11,500 feet above sea level, 424 kilometres from Srinagar. The worst hit was Choglumsar area, 13 kms from here, where 14 bodies were recovered.

A polytechnic college, headquarters of the Bharat Sanchar Nigam Ltd (BSNL), the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) camp, and many government offices and houses have been damaged. The Leh airport has been inundated.

Prof. Shakeel Romshoo, a geologist at Srinagar University, said new rivulets had cut deep channels in the mountain gorges of the region and flood waters had inundated low-lying areas.

He said that it was a challenging topography with steep and unstable slopes. Water flow and velocity being very high, the flash floods have caused huge damage.

Makhdoomi said the rainfall started before midnight and that water later started coursing down the area’s mountains in streams and rivulets. The flooding had damaged several homes and other buildings by Friday morning. There was utter confusion and people started to panic.

As many as 6,000 army men, and Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and police personnel have launched a massive relief and rescue operation.

Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, while expressing grief over the tragedy, has directed the civil and police administration to undertake relief and rescue work on a war footing. All flights from Delhi to Leh have been cancelled.

Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar and Rajya Sabha Chairman Hamid Ansari condoled the loss of life and property due to floods triggered by a massive cloudburst in Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir. Ansari said he joined all citizens in sending condolences to the members of the bereaved families and prayed to the Almighty to grant them the strength to withstand the immense loss.

The matter was raised in the Lok Sabha by Hassan Khan, an Independent member from Ladakh. He wanted the relief and restoration work to be taken up at the earliest as there was very little time before winter set in and hit transport links in the region.  Raising the matter during Zero Hour, he demanded speedy disbursal of compensation to those affected by the flash floods caused by the cloudburst.

Meanwhile, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi expressed deep sorrow and grief over the loss of lives due to flash floods in Leh.  Gandhi wished speedy recovery to the injured.

Over 100 people were killed and another 370 injured when flash floods triggered by torrential rains struck Leh town in Ladakh region.

8th August 2010

A day after a wall of mud and water flattened Leh and several villages, the gloom deepened in the tourist city, even as the death toll rose to 132. Meanwhile, fears grew that many of at least 500 missing residents could be buried under the debris.

The Army, which is spearheading relief and rescue operations, said soldiers had recovered 110 bodies. The J&K police put the number at 132. Director-general of J&K police, Kuldeep Khoda, said 53 of the bodies had been identified.

With Leh’s cellphone hub destroyed, makeshift communication links were established to enable video conferencing. The runway was repaired enough to restore the air link with the rest of the country. IAF flew in transport aircraft carrying relief material, including blankets, dry food and medicines to meet the immediate requirements of victims, including more than 3,000 tourists stranded there, a defence spokesman said.

However, the road to Leh from Srinagar through the Zojila pass and the Rohtang pass remained unusable as bridges had been washed away by mudslides. Four kilometres of the Manali-Leh highway was washed away by floods beyond Sachru.

Scores of stranded tourists joined in the rescue efforts. There were six surgeons among the holidaymakers and they toiled for more than 24 hours, shoulder to shoulder with Army surgeons and doctors to treat more than 300 victims. They conducted 22 major life-saving operations and 45 minor ones. At least 94 people are still in the makeshift hospitals.

9th August 2010

Five armymen were killed in the cloudburst at Leh and other areas of the region while 33 personnel, swept away in flash floods that struck a camp near Siachen glacier, are yet to be traced.

The Army has sought Pakistan’s help to rescue the soldiers, including three junior commissioned officers, who were manning Tyakshi post in Turtuk sector, about 150 metres from the Line of Control.

The personnel still remain untraced despite the Army deploying men, helicopters and catch nets in nearby river Shyok. Official sources said the Director General Military Operation has informed the Pakistani counterpart about possibility of some army personnel being washed away in areas under their control.

The soldiers had faced the fury of a swollen Shyok river when Leh was hit by flash floods following a devastating cloudburst. The missing personnel belonged to Bihar Regiment and Raj Rif Regiment, GOC of 14 Corps Lieutenant General S K Singh said in Leh.

It is feared that some of the missing personnel could be buried under slush. Unlike in other places where the height of slush is about 4 to 5 feet, it is about 20—25 feet where the army camp had once stood.

The Army also reported the death of five of its personnel in the cloudburst at Leh, Choglamsar, Nimu, Tyakshi, Batalik and Karu in the region.

It said defence personnel, their aircraft and equipment continued to be deployed in the relief and rescue efforts.

The Army said it has deployed 41 columns comprising 4,100 men in the ongoing relief operations at Leh and adjoining areas hit by calamity.

In addition, Army troops are assisting Border Roads Organisation (BRO) in creating diversions at several damaged bridge sites on National Highway-1D. Two of the 11 bridges that were damaged in the cloudburst were made operational at Phyang and Choglamsar.

Communication requirements of the district administration were being maintained by two INMARSATs equipment provided by the Army.

Soldiers to the Rescue

Rescue and relief teams continued their relentless efforts to locate survivors in the Leh district of Jammu & Kashmir’s Ladakh region.

Apart from providing succour to the victims, the relief teams were also engaged in round-the-clock operations to restore communication and power links which were snapped by the floods and mudslides. Authorities feared many more bodies could be found when the rescue teams moved into the affected villages in remote areas and cleared the rubble.

A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence said six Cheetah helicopters of the Indian Air force made more than 60 sorties since sunrise on 8th August to evacuate 90 people from Skyu in the Zanskar valley. About 130 trekkers, mainly foreigners from 12 different countries and some Indian porters, were reported to have been stranded at Skyu.

The location could be reached only by Cheetah helicopters owing to flight through a narrow constricted valley which was not negotiable by the large rotor Mi-17 helicopters. The remaining trekkers managed to negotiate their way to safer places on their own.

With touchdowns not feasible at Skyu at the location that had virtually transformed into a vast dissolving island where none existed earlier, the daring rescue efforts were all carried out by the pilots at low hover, a challenging flight manoeuvre of keeping the aircraft stationary, perilously close to the ground even as passengers boarded the flight. Each Cheetah helicopter can only take in a maximum of three passengers at sea level on board at a time.

The breakdown of the 81 foreigners rescued included United Kingdom-17, France-17, Netherland-9, Czechoslovakia-8, Germany-7, Israel-4, Switzerland-4, Romania-4, Austrian-3, Australia-3, Italy-3 and Spain-2. Six local guides and three porters were also among those evacuated.

The spokesman said three IL-76 sorties airlifted two excavators and one 22-tonne bulldozer, apart from six tonnes of communication equipment and another ten tonnes of army communication equipment, including cables, from Chandigarh.

Six AN-32 also flew air maintenance sorties from Chandigarh, replenishing stocks and relief materials for the Army in the region. IAF aircraft earlier had already airlifted medical equipment, medicines and para-medical personnel to Leh from New Delhi and Chandigarh.

As many as 41 columns of the Indian army are engaged in the rescue and relief operations. Army troops are also assisting the Border Roads Organisation in creating diversions at the sites of various damaged bridges on National Highway (NH) 1D. Two bridges have also been launched at Phyang and Choglamsar.

The Army is also making provisions to meet the requirements of large tents for establishment of Field Hospital, tents for displaced persons, firewood for cremation of dead bodies and provisioning of generator sets as projected by the District Administration.

There were chaotic scenes at the Leh airport where hundreds of foreign tourists and others as well as workers waited for flights out of the area.

The Ministry of Civil Aviation has requested the airlines to operate additional flights at concessional rates to evacuate the stranded persons.

National carrier Air India and private operators such as Jet Airways and Kingfisher Airlines have operated 27 flights since August 7 and evacuated 3241 persons from Leh. The additional flights are expected to continue until the evacuation process is completed.

An official press release said the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) was closely monitoring the fares being charged by the airlines, which have already been cautioned against exploiting the situation and jacking up the fares.

The average of actual fare charged by Air India was Rs. 9000 and whereas it was between Rs. 8157 and 8700 for Jet Airways and Rs. 6200 for Kingfisher in the last three days since the cloud burst.

It said the Ministry and the DGCA had not received any complaint regarding over-charging by the airlines. In fact, the release claims that the airlines have reduced their fares.

The road approaches to Leh from Srinagar through Zozilla and from Rohtang Pass had been cut off because bridges had been washed away by the mudslides.

The Leh District Administration has set up a 24 hours control room to coordinate relief and rescue operations. Giving an overview of the extend of damage to the military establishment, an officer of the army said small culverts and bridges used for going to many forward locations have been destroyed and it will take quite some time before these can be re-built.

Talking about the missing army personnel in Tyakshi border post in Turtuk sector, about 150 metres from the Line of Control, Singh said too much of water got into one of the streams due to the cloudburst.

Meanwhile, the army said it was hopeful of reopening the two National Highways by the end of this week. Singh said as per the estimate, seven bridges are needed on the Zijia access and four on the Rohtang access. Two bridges near Leh were opened on 9th August 2010.

10th August 2010

The toll in the tragedy has risen to 179 and injured 607 with 400 people still missing.

Three French citizens – Augavelis Henri, Hellot Jacques and Daniel Hauri, an Italian identified as Riccardo Titton and Maromas Maria Lousdes from Spain have been declared dead.

Sixteen of the others killed are from Nepal, and two were Tibetans.

73 people, who were injured at different places due to cloudburst, were brought here in a IL-76 from Leh this morning as per group captain of IAF PM Vithalkar.

From the air field here, the injured were sent to different hospitals for specialised treatment in waiting ambulances, officials said, adding while 49 security personnel have been sent to Command Hospital at Udhampur, 24 civilians were rushed to Government Medical College hospital in Jammu.

What really happened to Leh?

Ladakh is an unusual place for a cloudburst because it is a cold desert region where average rain fall is low.

The source of this cloudburst was an intense convective cloud cluster that developed over east of Leh by about 9.30pm on 6.08.2010. Scientists say it began disgorging its moisture between 1.30am and 2am but no one knows how much rain it delivered.

This does not happen Himalayan desert altitudes. What causes this? The maximum ever recorded rainfall in Leh was 96.2 mm in a 24 hour period measured in 1933. This cloudburst yielded 250mm rainfall within an hour.

An air force observatory near Leh, some distance away from the cloudburst zone, only recorded 12.8 mm which, scientists point out, is not cloudburst-level rainfall. That is very interesting. That says it was an artificial cloudburst and so many presumptive theories are flouting and the correct reason for the sudden cloud burst is yet to be known.

Manmohan announces Rs. 125 crore relief for Leh cloudburst victims – 17.08.2010

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 17.08.2010 announced a Rs 125 crore relief packaged for the Leh cloudburst victims and said all houses destroyed by the natural calamity will be reconstructed within the next two-and-a-half months.

Dr. Singh, who arrived Leh on a day-long visit to take stock of relief and rehabilitation undertaken in the aftermath of flash floods in this mountainous region, said that the relief will be given from the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund.

“Hospital, school, electricity connections and roads will be rebuilt and all rehabilitation works will be completed within the next two-and-a-half months and before the onset of winter. Funds will not be a problem,” he said.

Dr. Singh said many lives have been lost during the tragedy which is irreparable but the Central and Jammu and Kashmir governments will take all possible measures to help the bereaved families.

The Prime Minister said a monitoring committee under the chairmanship of state Chief Secretary will be constituted to ensure effective implementation of various schemes for the affected people.  “Before the onset of winter, I will again visit you and inspect the houses that will be constructed for you,” he said.

Dr. Singh also held a meeting with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and state officials to discuss the steps being taken for the relief and rehabilitation measures.

The Prime Minister was accompanied by Union Health Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, Minister for New and Renewable Energy Farooq Abdullah and Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee Chief Saifuddin Soz.

The Prime Minister had promised in his Independence Day address that every possible effort would be made to provide relief to those hit by the calamity.

Dr. Singh had earlier announced an ex-gratia relief of Rs one lakh each to the kin of the deceased and Rs 50,000 each to the seriously injured from the PM’s National Relief Fund.

Dream Dare Win

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Caste-based Census in India – the Reality and Pitfalls

Friday, August 13th, 2010

Vinoth Kumar

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 7.05.2010 assured the Lok Sabha that the government would soon take a decision on the Opposition demand for a caste-based census. “I am aware of the views of the Members of Parliament belonging to all sections. I assure you that the Cabinet will take a decision shortly,” Dr. Singh said in a brief statement.

The statement put at ease agitated Opposition members, particularly Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh, Rashtriya Janata Dal supremo Lalu Prasad and Janata Dal (United) leader Sharad Yadav. The three leaders and other Opposition members were ruffled over Home Minister P. Chidambaram’s reply to the debate on census. He said there were difficulties in conducting a caste-based census and the government would keep in mind the members’ views.

As soon as the Minister concluded his reply, which was punctuated by interruptions from the Opposition benches, and the House was adjourned to meet again at 2.30 p.m., on 7.5.2010, the three leaders approached the Prime Minister, Congress president Sonia Gandhi and leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee. They were seen talking to them, trying to elicit some kind of an assurance on their demand. They also held a meeting with Mr. Mukherjee separately, when BJP’s deputy leader Gopinath Munde was also present.

When Dr. Singh gave the assurance soon after the House reassembled, the three leaders thanked him and the Congress president for trying to resolve the matter in an amicable manner.

Earlier, while taking note of the discussion over the last two days that witnessed arguments and reasons for canvassing the question of caste, Mr. Chidambaram said the government was seized of the matter. “The views of honourable members will certainly be a valuable guide to the government,” he said in his statement, which virtually gave out nothing but offered explanation relating to the Census 2011 and preparation of the National Population Register (NPR), the two exercises which are on. The debate on the issue saw members cutting across party lines favouring a caste-based census.

Replying to the debate, the Home Minister stressed that the main aim of the exercise was headcount and listed difficulties in including caste in the list. The Registrar-General had pointed out a number of logistics and practical difficulties in canvassing the question of caste while conducting census. However, he assured the House that the government “will give due weight to all aspects of the issue.”

“The enumerator is not an investigator or verifier,” Mr. Chidambaram said, pointing out that 21 lakh enumerators — mostly primary school teachers — had no training or expertise to classify the answer as OBC or otherwise.

“There is a Central list of OBCs and State-specific lists of OBCs. Some States do not have a list of OBCs while some have a list of OBCs and a sub-set called Most Backward Castes,” he said.

Quoting the Registrar-General, Mr. Chidambaram said issues regarding methodology, avoiding phonetic and spelling errors, stage of canvassing of caste, maintaining integrity of enumeration and doing an accurate headcount of population would arise.

“The census is done under the authority of the Census Act, 1948. Census 2011 will be the 15{+t}{+h} national census since 1872 and the 7{+t}{+h} since Independence. Population census is the total process of collecting demographic, economic and social data. What is published as the census data are only aggregates; the information relating to the individual is confidential and not shared with anyone or any authority,” he said.

While throwing up the question if the census was the vehicle to carry out caste-based enumeration, he pointed out that records showed that an attempt was made by the Ministry of Social Justice to include caste as one of the questions that should be canvassed in the 2001 Census. “However, the government of the day — the NDA government — did not take a decision to that effect and maintained the policy that has been in force since 1951,” Mr. Chidambaram said.

GoM approval for caste- based census in India

Ending  months  of fractious  debates  across  the political  spectrum,   a  Group  of Ministers  ( GoM),   headed  by Union  Finance  Minister  Pranab  Mukherjee,   gave  its  seal of  approval  to  the  enumeration  of  caste  in  Census  2011 on  11.08.2010.

The  GoM,   sources  said,   has recommended  that  the  caste headcount  should  be  done  at the  biometric  stage.   Most  significantly,   it  will  not  be  just an  OBC  headcount,   but  a comprehensive  caste  headcount,   with  every  citizen  being  asked  which  caste  he  or she  belongs  to.   This  data  will be  tabulated  and  analysed  later  to  arrive  at  figures  of  different  castes  in  the  country,   it  is learnt.   The  GoM’s  recommendations  will  now  be  taken  to  the  Union  Cabinet,   and the  caste  headcount  should begin  in  December, 2010, official sources  said.   The  biometric phase  will  cover  photographing,   fingerprinting  and  iris mapping  of  all  citizens  over the  age  of  15  for  the  National Population  Register  ( NPR).

The  GoM  was  set  up  after parties,   cutting  across  the  political  spectrum,   had  vociferously  backed  a  caste headcount  in  May, 2010  during  the budget  session  of  Parliament. Subsequently,   when  it  appeared  that  the  BJP  was  having  second  thoughts  on  the subject,   because  of  RSS  pressure,   the  Congress,   which  is deeply  divided  on  the  issue, decided  that  it  would  not proceed  till  it  received  written  approvals  for  caste  enumeration  from  all  parties. Eventually,   pushed  by  its OBC  constituency,   a  reluctant  BJP,   too,   gave  its  approval,   leaving  the  Congress with  no  option  but  to  go ahead  with  a  caste headcount.

Cabinet to decide on modalities

The government on 12.08.2010 said a final decision on the modalities of inclusion of caste in the census would be taken by the Cabinet.

Making a statement in the Lok Sabha — a day after the Group of Ministers (GoM) agreed to include caste in the census — Leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee said the GoM had decided that caste would be canvassed without affecting the integrity of the headcount. An appropriate decision on the modalities of canvassing the caste was yet to be taken. How and when it would be done was still under consideration.

The Bharatiya Janata Party, the Janata Dal (United), the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal raised the issue when the House convened for the day demanding inclusion of caste in census at the headcount stage itself and not at the biometric stage as suggested in media reports.

“Biometric stage will never come,” Mulayam Singh (SP) said. Similar sentiments were expressed by Sharad Yadav (JD-U), who said the biometric stage would not come in the next “100 years” as the government was yet to complete the process of issuing photo election cards to the people.

The Opposition members said enumeration of castes would not be possible at the biometric stage as it was a “long-drawn” process. Moreover, only those above 15 years would be photographed and fingerprinted to create a biometric national database, they contended.

After Speaker Meira Kumar adjourned the proceedings till noon, as some of the members trooped into the well, the leaders of the parties met Mr. Mukherjee where it was agreed upon that the government would address their concerns and make a statement.

Tamil Nadu CM hails nod for caste-wise enumeration

Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi on 12.08.2010 welcomed the approval of the Group of Ministers (GoM) for enumeration of caste in Census 2011. Thanking the Centre, Mr Karunanidhi said the United Progressive Alliance government’s move was historic as such an enumeration would be done after a gap of nearly 80 years. He recalled Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s assurance to Parliament a few months ago in this regard. The latest move would be of great use to Tamil Nadu for implementing the Supreme Court’s latest order on the 69 per cent reservation law.

Letter to the Group of Ministers on caste Census – 14.08.2010

Honourable Members,

We welcome your decision to enumerate caste in Census 2011.   This  is  a  progressive and  much  needed  step  towards  re- orienting  our  polity  and  revitalising  the  implementation  of  social policy.

We  are,   however,   deeply  distressed  to learn  that  you  have  recommended  that the  collection  of  caste  data  be  done  in conjunction  with  the  National  Population  Register  ( NPR)   process  at  the  biometric  data  capture  stage.   We respectfully  urge  you  to  reconsider  this move  because  it  will  not  only  defeat  the very  purpose  of  enumerating  caste,   but will  condemn  the  entire  exercise  to  almost  certain  failure.

Please  note,   Honourable  Members, that  even  its  most  ardent  supporters have  never  claimed  that  caste  enumeration  will  be  easy.   Every  Indian  Census, for  at  least  the  past  three  decades,   has been  the  largest  and  most  complex  project  of  its  kind  in  human  history.   The Census  of  India  ( or  the  Office  of  the Registrar  General  of  India  —   ORGI)   is the  only  competent  agency  in  the  country  with  the  necessary  expertise  and  experience  to  undertake  this  gigantic  task. It  has  successfully  collected  caste  data  in the  past,   and  with  the  vastly  superior technological  resources  available  today, it  can  do  so  again  despite  the  challenge  of enumerating  120  crore  Indians.   The  collection  of  caste  data  at  the  stage  of  biometric  capture  would  be  cumbersome and  time  consuming.   Outside  agencies are  likely  to  be  involved,   and  therefore there  are  chances  of  data  gathering  being compromised  because  it  would  be  tagged on  to  the  huge  task  of  biometric  documentation  of  about  84  crore  Indians.   If caste  data  are  compromised,   it  will  defeat  the  very  objectives  that  the  data  are meant  to  achieve.   The  respective  time frames  are  also  important  —   the  Census enumeration  phase  will  definitely  be over  by  March  2011  whereas  the  biometric  data  capture  process  is  likely  to take  much  longer.

An  even  more  decisive  argument against  attaching  caste  enumeration  to biometric  data  capture  is  that,   as  of  now, it  is  not  clear  what  socio- economic  or educational  data  —   if  any  —   will  be  available  through  this  method.

If  all  we  get  is  a  headcount  of  castes among  the  15- plus  population,   then  the entire  exercise  is  a  waste.   The  main  reason  to  enumerate  caste  is  to  enable  the distribution  of  national  resources  and opportunities  to  be  informed  by  empirical  evidence  on  sex- ratios,   literacy,   life expectancy,   occupation,   household  assets,   and  so  on.

Without  such  evidence,   all  the  problems  that  are  blocking  the  implementation  of  social  justice  policies  will  remain unsolved.   By  contrast,   we  know  that  including  caste  in  the  existing  enumeration  process  scheduled  for  February 2011  will  enable  all  the  data  normally collected  by  the  Census  to  be  correlated with  caste.   This  method  will  have  the additional  advantage  of  the  close  supervision  of  a  trained  body  of  census officials.

Finally,   there are the constitutionallegal issues,   and the crucial question of confidentiality.   The  Census  Act  1948 provides  strong  protection  for  all  data collected  by  the  Census,   and  this  has ensured  that  the  Census  —   which  necessarily  collects  individual  information  —has  released  only  aggregated  and  anonymised  data.   Given  the  absence  of  such protection  under  the  Citizenship  Rules of  2003  —   which  governs  the  NPR  and the  biometric  data  capture  process  —there  is  every  chance  of  the  confidentiality  of  caste  data  being  breached.   If  the main  concern  is  to  eliminate  the  possibility  of  inflation  of  numbers  and  to  protect  the  integrity  of  the  head  count,   then other  measures  are  available.   For  example,   the  household  population  totals ( along  with  gender  breakup)   already  collected  in  the  House- listing  and  Housing Census  Schedule  can  be  used  as  a  check on  the  caste  data  at  the  enumeration stage.

It  is  for  all  these  reasons  that,   at  a recent  national  conference  organised  by the  Centre  for  the  Study  of  Social  Exclusion  of  the  National  Law  School  of  India, Bengaluru,   a  group  of  distinguished  academics,   policy  and  legal  experts  agreed unanimously  that  the  proper  agency  for caste  enumeration  is  the  ORGI,   and  the proper  stage  is  the  house- to- house  Population  Enumeration  phase  of  Census 2011  to  be  conducted  from  February  9– 28,   2011.   In  fact,   the  group  went  so  far  as to  issue  a  strong  warning  against  associating  caste  enumeration  with  the  NPR process.

Enumerating castes has compelling benefits for our society.   It  will  invigorate our  social  justice  policies;   provide  the credible  evidence  demanded  by  our  judiciary;   allow  the  revision  of  beneficiary group  listings;   and  help  profile  India’s social  diversity.   Therefore,   we congratulate you,   Honourable Members,   for having taken this bold and visionary step.   We  also  appeal  to  you  not  to  undo the  good  that  you  have  done.   We  urge you  to  entrust  caste  enumeration  to  the tried  and  trusted  census  organisation and  avoid  the  serious  risks  of  linking  it  to biometric  data  capture.

Signatories to the above letter:

Dr.   M.   Vijayanunni,   Former Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India,   Justice M. N.   Rao,   Chairperson, National Commission for the Backward Classes,   Prof.   Sukhadeo  Thorat,   Chairperson,   University  Grants  Commission, Prof.   Satish  Deshpande,   Department  of Sociology,   Delhi  School  of  Economics, Prof.   Yogendra  Yadav,   Political  Scientist, Centre  for  the  Study  of  Developing  Societies,   Prof.   S.   Japhet,   Director,   Centre for  the  Study  of  Social  Exclusion,   National  Law  School  of  India,   Bengaluru, Dr.   Chandan  Gowda,   Associate  Professor,   Centre  for  the  Study  of  Social  Exclusion,   National  Law  School  of  India, Bengaluru,   Prof.   Valerian Rodrigues,   Political Scientist,   Jawaharlal Nehru University,   Prof.   Ravi  Varma  Kumar,   Senior Advocate  and  former  Chairperson,   Karnataka  Backward  Classes  Commission.

Government of India finally agrees to caste census from 2011 -  9.9.2010

Giving in to demands from almost all political parties, government on 9.9.2010 decided to hold caste census in 2011 under an exercise to be carried out separately from the enumeration of population.

After several deliberations within the government on the politically-sensitive issue, the Union Cabinet decided to carry out a separate house-to-house caste enumeration from June to September 2011.

“After considering various options, the option that we have approved is, based on the responses of various political parties, that caste must be canvassed and the integrity of the headcount must not be affected,” Home Minister P Chidambaram told reporters while briefing on the decisions of the Cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.

The caste enumeration will be conducted in a phased manner after the population enumeration, which will include biometric capture and headcount, is completed by March 2010, he said.

The decision has been taken after considering options suggested by the Group of Ministers (GoM) set up on the issue and the consultations that Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee held with leaders of various parties.

Chidambaram said a suitable legal regime for collection of data on castes would be formulated in consultation with the Ministry of Law and Justice.

The office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner would conduct the field operations of the caste enumeration. The Central government will constitute an expert group to classify the caste/tribe returns after the enumeration is completed.

The office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner would hand over the details of the castes/tribes returned in the enumeration to the proposed expert group.

The last caste-wise census was held in 1931 and such a practice had been given up as a matter of policy after Independence.

Dream Dare Win

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New ‘Super Bug’ (New Delhi metallo-betalactamase-1) really spreads from India and Pakistan?

Friday, August 13th, 2010

Mirunalini

“Health tourists” flocking to south Asia have carried a new class of antibiotic-resistant superbugs to Britain, researchers reported on 11.08.2010, warning that the bacteria could spread worldwide.

This so called NDM-1 gene was first identified last year by Cardiff University’s Timothy Walsh in two types of bacteria — Klebsiella pneumoniae and Escherichia coli — in a Swedish patient admitted to hospital in India. NDM-1 stands for New Delhi metallo-betalactamase-1.

Worryingly, the new NDM-1 bacteria are resistant even to carbapenems, a group of antibiotics often reserved as a last resort for emergency treatment for multi-drug resistant bugs.

Researchers said the bugs had been brought into Britain by patients who travelled to India or Pakistan for cosmetic surgery.  “If these infections were allowed to continue without appropriate treatment, then certainly one would expect to see some sort of mortality,” Walsh, a microbiology professor, told BBC radio.  “It’s going to be very difficult to treat the infections once the patients present with these types of bacteria. You won’t get well.”

In the new study, led by Walsh and Madras University’s Karthikeyan Kumarasamy, researchers set out to determine how common the NDM-1 producing bacteria were in South Asia and Britain, where several cases had turned up. Checking hospital patients with suspect symptoms, they found 44 cases (1.5 per cent) of those screened in Chennai, and 26 (eight per cent) of those screened in Haryana. They likewise found the superbug in Bangladesh and Pakistan, as well as 37 cases in Britain, some in patients who had recently returned from having cosmetic surgery in India or Pakistan.  “India also provides cosmetic surgery for other Europeans and Americans, and it is likely that NDM—1 will spread worldwide,” said the study, published in The Lancet.

NDM-1 was mostly found in E. coli, a common source of community-acquired urinary tract infections, and K. pneumoniae, and was impervious to all antibiotics except two, tigecycline and colistin.

India rejects superbug linkage

India has reacted strongly to a study linking a multiple drug-resistant superbug detected in Britain to India and said the bacteria are not a public health threat. It said Indian hospitals were safe as a number of such bacteria survived in nature and were reported from several other countries.

The conclusions of the study are “loaded with inference” that the antibiotic-resistant organism possibly originated in India, an official statement by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare said in New Delhi on 12.08.2010. “While such organisms may be circulating more commonly in the world due to international travel, to link it with the safety of surgery hospitals in India and citing isolated examples to show that India is not a safe place to visit due to the presence of such organism in Indian environment are wrong,” V.M. Katoch, Director-General, Indian Council of Medical Research, said.

Several authors had declared a conflict of interest in the publication of the study. The study was funded by the European Union and two pharmaceutical companies — Wellcome Trust and Wyeth — that produce antibiotics for treatment of such cases, the statement said.

The government also strongly objected to the naming of this enzyme as New Delhi metallo beta lactamase -1 (NDM-1) and refuted the conclusion that hospitals in India were not safe for treatment.

Though not disputing the validity of the study, he said the conclusions were “unfair” and “scary.” The conclusions and interpretations of the study were wrong, scientifically invalid and aimed at creating a scare.

Madras University’s Karthikeyan Kumarasamy from Erode had his elation set back slightly at the interpretation the media had given his article. “That it was transmitted from India is hypothetical. Unless we analyse samples from across the world to confirm its presence, we can only speculate,” he said.

Researchers crack open secret of superbug’s resistance

Scientists have stumbled upon a central processing unit (CPU) of a superbug’s weaponry which will provide new options to fight back and disable the virulent bacteria.

A team from the McMaster University’s Institute for Infectious Disease Research has revealed that a small chemical, made by the superbug Staphylococcus aureus and its drug-resistant forms, determines this disease’s strength and ability to infect.

The bacteria are the cause for a wide range of difficult-to-treat human infectious diseases such as pneumonia, toxic-shock syndrome and flesh-eating diseases. It is known as the superbug as it has become increasingly resistant to antibiotics and especially troublesome in hospitals.

“We’ve found that when these small chemicals in the bacteria are shut down, the bacteria is rendered non-functional and non-infectious,” said Nathan Magarvey, principal study investigator and assistant professor of biochemistry at McMaster. “We’re now set on hacking into this pathogen and making its system crash.” These findings appeared in Science.

To identify these “pathogen small molecule CPUs”, the researchers used cutting-edge chemical mining tools to reveal the molecular wiring associated with their formation.

Then, to uncover its function, the McMaster scientists shut off its synthesis, showing that the deadly pathogens had been tamed and were unable to burst open red blood cells, said a McMaster’s statement.

Cell to keep record of hospital-acquired infections soon

India is working to set up a cell that will issue guidelines and keep a record of hospital-acquired infections,” V.M. Katoch, Director-General of the Indian Council of Medical Research, said in New Delhi on 12.08.2010. As of now,  India did not have any rules to check hospital-acquired infections.

Superbug threat – The Hindu Editorial on 16.08.2010

Gram-negative Enterobacteriaceae strains resistant to carbapenem, a powerful antibiotic, and one of the last lines of treatment for infections caused by Gram-negative bacteria, are becoming more widespread in India. The resistance arises on account of a new gene that codes for metallo-beta-lactamase enzyme.

The drug-resistant bacterial gene, the so-called superbug, was named New Delhi metallo-beta-lactamase-1 (NDM-1) in 2009 when it was first identified in a Swedish person admitted to a hospital in New Delhi.

A study, reported online in The Lancet Infectious Diseases, (“Emergence of a new antibiotic resistant mechanism in India, Pakistan, and the UK: a molecular, biological, and epidemiological study,” by Karthikeyan K. Kumarasamy et al.) found that apart from several locations in India, the carbapenem-resistant strain was seen in 37 U.K. patients who had undergone elective and cosmetic surgery in India and two neighbouring countries.

According to a study published in March, 2010 in the Journal of Association of Physicians of India (JAPI), 22 cases of carbapenem-resistant NDM-1 were collected within three months from a Mumbai hospital. The spread and increasing numbers come as no surprise as the drug is overused.

Resistance to extended-spectrum beta-lactamases (ESBL) drugs like third-generation cephalsporins is between 60 and 70 per cent on average in India, compared with less than 15 per cent seen in many developed countries. A common way of treating the severe form of ESBL infections is the use of carbapenem — which becomes the drug of choice as it has the lowest resistance rates and the broadest action against Gram-negative infections.

Inappropriate and indiscriminate use of carbapenem, a reserved antibiotic, has played a major role in the development of the carbapenem-resistant gene, including the new NDM-1 strain.

From being absent a few years ago, NDM-1 is beginning to show up. Unlike ESBL, which has become a community infection, NDM-1 is, in all probability, still a hospital-acquired infection. Drug-resistant NDM-1 strains are being seen only now but they are a cause for worry because only a few drugs are available to treat Gram-negative infections. The prevalence can increase within a relatively short time, since the NDM-1 gene is carried in the plasmids of the Gram-negative bacteria. These plasmids can move from one bacterium to another, and even to different species.

There is still a good chance of keeping the prevalence low, provided a two-pronged approach is adopted: instituting a national antibiotic policy that restricts the use of carbapenem and other higher-end antibiotics to hospital settings and only for patients with severe infections, and having a national registry of drug-resistant strains.

WHO endorses superbug study findings – 21.08.2010

Even as the controversy over the origin of the new antibiotic-resistant bacteria named after India — New Delhi Metallo-beta lactamase-1 (NDM-1) — continues, the World Health Organisation (WHO) has virtually endorsed the study published in The Lancet Infectious Diseases journal saying that the article had drawn attention to the issue of antimicrobial resistance (AMR), and, in particular, raised the awareness of infections caused by multi-drug resistant bacteria.

In a statement issued on 21.08.2010, the WHO said that while multi-drug resistant bacteria are not new and will continue to appear, this development requires monitoring and further study to understand the extent and modes of transmission, and to define the most effective measures for control.

AMR will be the theme of the WHO’s World Health Day 2011.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Mumbai Oil Spill and its effect on Environment

Thursday, August 12th, 2010

Vikram Kumar

The 2010 Mumbai oil spill occurred after two Panamian-flagged ships, MSC Chitra and MV Khalijia-III collided off the coast of India near time. MSC Chitra, which was outborne Mumbai on 7.08.2010 at around 9:50 A.M local time from South Mumbai’s Nava Sheva port collided with the inbound MV Khalijia-III which immediately threw out the oil containers from MSC Chitra into the Arabian Sea.  Khalijia-III was apparently involved with another mishap on July 18, 2010.

MSC Chitra, registered in Panama, is owned by Mediterranean Shipping Company, a public limited company based in Geneva, Switzerland. Its management operations are conducted from Hong Kong, while its local agents in Mumbai look after the loading and unloading of its ships. “It’s a big shipping company owing 140 ships,” Mr. Khalid said.

Khalijia, on the other hand, is owned by Gulf Rock KSC, a Kuwait-based public limited company, with management operations in Navi Mumbai. The company is listed on the Kuwait Stock Exchange.

When the MSC Chitra collided with the Khalijia on 7.08.2010, it had a cargo of 1,219 containers holding 2662 tonnes of fuel, 283 tonnes of diesel and 88040 litres of lubricant oil. Thirty-one containers had pesticide in them. The Chitra tilted sharply under the impact of the collision, resulting in the oil spill and now, containers of pesticide bobbing off on the sea.

The foreign cargo ship, which collided with another vessel about 10 km off Mumbai harbour, tilted further spilling oil for the third day continuously as Navy and Coast Guard made hectic efforts to contain the leak. The Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Thiru Ashok Chavan claimed that they have already filed cases against the captains of the two ships which are from abroad. Thirty three crew members, including two Pakistanis, were rescued following the incident.

“The oil slick has been sighted on shore from Nariman Point to Cuffe Parade in Mumbai, Vashi and Airoli in Thane district, Uran, Mandovi and Elephanta in Raigad district. Elephanta and Navi Mumbai or BARC [Bhabha Atomic Research Centre] are reportedly the only sites where mangroves have been indicated to be affected. The Pollution Control Board has constituted four survey teams with assistance of the Coast Guard and the district or local administration, one each for Mumbai, Mumbai suburban, Thane and Raigad districts,” a press note of the Directorate General (DG) of Shipping said.

The Navy and the Coast Guards have been carrying out anti-pollution operations every day to check and neutralise the oil spill. Six coastguard vessels and a helicopter with anti-pollution dispersal spray systems were pressed into service on 8th August 2010 to contain the oil spill.

A high-level meeting, attended by the officials of the Maharashtra Government Environment Department, National Disaster Response Force, Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation, Shipping department, Mumbai Port Trust and other concerned agencies has been convened to assess the situation and steps to be taken to bring it under control, sources said.

Fishing associations have been also requested not to carry out any fishing activities till the oil spill is contained. Officials are yet to locate the leakage. The thick oil slick has been sighted two to three kms around the vessel Chitra. As on 10th Aug 2010, traffic had been suspended as the containers were still sighted floating into the channel thus making navigation hazardous.

The Directorate General of Shipping has initiated an investigation into the incident, Directorate General of Shipping’s Chief Nautical Advisor M M Savvi said, adding that the Coast Guard and senior officials (Directorate General of Shipping) were at the site.

On 10th August the oil slick from MSC Chitra stopped. Officials claim that no oil was coming out. Operation is halted as the ship is steady. Evacuation of cargo was supposed to start from 11th August 2010.

But MSC Chitra is still tilted dangerously and there is no change in situation. The oil patches off middle ground and islands of Elephanta and butcher have been cleared off. The district collectors of Thane, Navi Mumbai and Raigarh have reported no sighting of oil on coast line. Pollution response capable vessels are spraying oil spill dispersants.

During aerial surveillance concentrated residual oil patches have been sighted adjoining areas of BARC and Sewri.  Around 800 tonnes of oil is floating on the sea comes dangerously close to the coast line.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has intervened and asked for a report from the Union Shipping Ministry on the oil spill. Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) has also been alerted by the Coastguard to stop using sea water for cooling down purposes as the slick has reached Sewree area where BARC is located. Hectic efforts continued to combat the oil spill spanning around two miles in the Arabian Sea.

In the biggest such operation mounted so far in the Indian sea waters, authorities have deployed five Indian Coast Guard (ICG) ships, one helicopter and one small aircraft for controlling the massive oil spill. The ships ICG Sankalp, Amrit Kaur, Subhadra Kumari Chauhan, Kamla Devi and C-145 – have joined the ICG AOPV Sangram, which was deployed since 9th August 2010 to monitor the oil spill and guide relief efforts. A Chetak helicopter and a small Dornier aircraft were pressed into service for aerial spray of dispersants to tackle the thick oil slick.

August 11th 2010

The Singapore-based Smit Company will begin operations to salvage the MSC Chitra from August 11th 2010. But it may take nearly six to eight months before the ship can be removed from the spot. Mumbai Port Trust chairperson Rahul Asthana says that a team has come on 10th August 2010 and another is reaching on 11th August 2010 morning with pumps to remove the oil.

Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust’s acting chairperson N N Kumar said these pumps can suck out oil at the rate of 30 metric tonnes an hour.  The ship Chitra was carrying 2662 metric tonnes of fuel when it started. Nearly 879 metric tonnes has flown out. Besides, there are 283.8 tonnes of diesel and 88,040 litres of lube oil on board. It is expected to take eight days to drain out the oil.

Coast Guard officials said a crane called Sea Patriot C4 mounted on a ship has been arranged and has been positioned close to Chitra to continuously pump out the oil.

The salvers have already placed tugs and put chains so that the falling containers do not drift far off. They are immediately picked up and kept on the tugs. Asthana said the equipment is being imported from Rotterdam and Singapore.

The submerged containers will be lifted using air bags and towed to a shallow corner. Simultaneously, the containers on the ship will be removed with a crane, placed on a barge and then taken to JNPT.

N. N Kumar also said around the same time, water will be filled in the ship’s tanks so that she does not lose her balance. Water blasts will also be used to correct the balance. But Kumar says that the major fear will be over when the oil is removed completely. It will take six to eight months before the ship can be refloated and towed away. If the salvers cannot refloat her, then they will have to cut her and dismantle her.

Impact of the Mumbai Oil Spill

The situation is chilling. A snake which came in from the sea was covered in oil and chemicals and was struggling. Neither could it go back into the sea as it is filled with oil, nor could it remain in the open in the baking sun. The oil spill has turned deadly. And it’s not just this one snake.

Fishermen claim that their fishing nets in the sea are all covered with oil. No one is willing to buy such fish. The marine life here is contaminated. This has been confirmed by initial reports carried out by the state government. The oil slick has even entered the sensitive mangrove belt. While the government is working towards a swift clean up, environmentalists fear it may be too late.

Environmentalists worry that the oil slick will enter the mangroves and mudflats and once that happens nothing can be done to clean it up. Moreover he believes that India has the technology or the intent.

The Environment Minister Thiru Jairam Ramesh claims that removing the entire oil from the sea will take 45 days. Comprehensive detailed investigation on damage on mangrove forest will be done by Maharashtra Pollution Board. And while the leak may have been plugged, going by the extent to which the slick has spread, it will be a while before the villagers can return to the seas for their livelihood.

As the crisis related to the oil spill off Mumbai coast becomes bigger, it’s business as usual in the metropolis. Even as mangroves turn black due to the oil slick and toxic chemical bottles get washed ashore, at the Mumbai docks fish continues to be brought in and hundreds of fishermen continue to go out to sea.

Over 31 containers with hazardous chemicals are still missing and need to be found. Debris can still be seen floating in the waters. The water around the damaged MSC Chitra is clear but that is because the ship is in deep sea and the debris is getting washed ashore.

But the fishermen claim there is no need to panic. They are worried people will stop eating fish, affecting their business in turn.

12th August 2010

The crisis related to the oil spill off Mumbai coast becomes bigger.. Even as mangroves turn black due to the oil slick and toxic chemical bottles get washed ashore, at the Mumbai docks fish continues to be brought in and hundreds of fishermen continue to go out to sea.

Over 31 containers with hazardous chemicals are still missing and need to be found. Debris can still be seen floating in the waters. The water around the damaged MSC Chitra is clear but that is because the ship is in deep sea and the debris is getting washed ashore.

But the fishermen claim there is no need to panic. They are worried people will stop eating fish, affecting their business in turn.  They claim that there is no connection between the oil spill and fish.

Despite the warnings of the state government and Environment Ministry for the fisherman of Mumbai it is business as usual. They insist there is nothing wrong. For them it is just another day.

Loss due to spill

Four billion dollar of trade will be lost if the oil spill off the Mumbai coast is not dealt with by the weekend. The situation has already prompted exporters and importers to ask the government for financial relief,.

The recent oil spill off the Mumbai coast has disrupted cargo traffic at JNPT and Mumbai port. And if the situation is not addressed by the end of the week (15th august 2010), the Federation of Indian Export Organizations (FIEO) estimates that USD 4 billion of trade cargo will be lost.

After all, these two ports handle 60% of India’s container traffic. The FIEO says that losses are mounting with each day of delay. It pegs losses to Indian importers and exporters at USD 20 million by the end of the week. The Federation is now asking the government to help contain these financial losses by waiving demurrage, detention and other charges which arise from suspension of operations at the ports.

Oil companies, meanwhile, are putting on a brave face, for now. They say that fuel production at their Mumbai plants are normal, and add that the port disruption will not mean a shortage of supplies, for the time being. ONGC is also working to compensate for the blocked ports by diverting crude to its two facilities through pipeline.

This measure, it says, will ensure supplies are not impaired. Officials at oil marketing companies IOC, BPCL and HPCL agree, saying they have enough inventories to survive this crisis.

The Maharashtra government is going all out to assure the people that port activities will resume as soon as possible. But experts point out that if port operations remain suspended past the 15th of august, Mumbai could run out of fuel.

The Response System

The collision of two large ships off the Mumbai coast and the resulting oil spill has come as a test of India’s preparedness to handle shipping disasters. A strong oil spill response system is of paramount importance. Yet capacity-building efforts in major ports have not kept pace with the need.

It is precisely to meet such challenges that a National Oil Spill Disaster Contingency Plan (NOS-DCP) was drawn up in 1996. Based on this, all ports should by now possess functional spill response systems but they clearly do not. The proceedings of the 14th NOS-DCP and Preparedness Meeting held in 2009 highlighted the slow progress in achieving full response capacity even at the basic level at Mumbai and JNPT ports.

India has ratified key environmental and shipping conventions, including the International Convention on Oil Pollution Preparedness, Response and Cooperation. The national coastline is about 7,500 km long and has, in the assessment of the Coast Guard (CG), 11 major and 20 minor ports that must be equipped to combat oil pollution. A few ships sink in Indian coastal waters every year; in 2007, as many as five vessels with a total of 658 tonnes of oil went down.

Captain Martin and Master Laxman Dubey of MV Kahlijia III have been booked under IPC sections 280 [rash navigation] and 336 (act endangering life or personal safety of others) and sections 7, 8, 9 pertaining to prevention, control and abatement of environmental pollution of the Environment Protection Act.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Water Dispute between India and Pakistan – Will it trigger first Water War?

Tuesday, August 10th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

As India and Pakistan move towards the welcome resumption of dialogue, New Delhi needs to factor in a new reality: More than Kashmir, it is the accusation that India is stealing water that is rapidly becoming the “core issue” in the Pakistani establishment’s narrative about bilateral problems.

Concern is growing in Pakistan that India is pursuing policies in an attempt to strangulate Pakistan by exercising control over the water flow of Pakistan’s rivers. The concern is most related to Pakistan’s agricultural sector, which would be greatly affected by the building of dams and by the external control of the waters of several rivers that flow into Pakistan. The issue has a layered complexity, as three of the rivers flow into Pakistan through the Indian portion of Jammu & Kashmir, the territory over which the two countries have waged multiple wars.

A group of more than 20 different UN bodies warned earlier this month that the world may be perilously close to its first water war. “Water is linked to the crises of climate change, energy and food supplies and prices, and troubled financial markets,” said the report. “Unless their links with water are addressed and water crises around the world are resolved, these other crises may intensify and local water crises may worsen, converging into a global water crisis and leading to political insecurity and conflict at various levels.”

With the per capita availability of water declining in Pakistan due to rising population and poor water management, there is a sense of an imminent water crisis. The problems are plenty-

  • Groundwater is said to be under stress through over-exploitation
  • River flows are reported to be diminishing
  • Some rivers to be so polluted as to be no more than sewers
  • Water supply in cities is reportedly intermittent and unreliable

In most years, the Indus barely makes it beyond the Kotri barrage in Sindh, leading to the ingress of sea water, the increase in soil salinity and the destruction of agriculture in deltaic districts like Thatta and Badin.

While this appears to be an internal problem in Pakistan, the popular refrain in the country seems to be that India is behind the problem. This is being echoed in the media, picked up by the jihadists, and acquiesced in at the official and expert levels through silence (or even aggravated by official statements). This is a new development. Until recently, there were criticisms of particular Indian projects on the western rivers as not compliant with the Treaty, but no accusations of ‘water theft’ by India.

Though Pakistan’s water woes predate recent hydroelectric projects like Baglihar in Jammu and Kashmir, jihadi organisations like the Lashkar-e-Taiba/Jamaat-ud-Dawa have started blaming India for the growing shortage of water. Apart from inflaming public opinion against India, this propaganda helps to blunt the resentment Sindh and Balochistan have traditionally had — as the lowest riparians in the Indus river basin — against West Punjab for drawing more than its fair share of the water flowing through the provinces.

Pakistan blames India, saying it is withholding millions of cubic feet of water upstream on the Chenab in Indian-administered Kashmir and storing it in the massive Baglihar dam in order to produce hydro-electricity. Its Indian neighbour, Pakistan declares, is in breach of a 1960 treaty designed to administer water use in the region. After initial talks to try and resolve the issue, the matter has been put on hold since the Mumbai attacks last November in which 165 people were killed, fuelling tensions between the two quarrelsome neighbours.

How did this accusation come about? The answer is that some studies reportedly indicate a reduction in the flows in the western rivers, and it seems to be readily assumed that if the flows show a reduction, the upper riparian must have reduced them. India would say that if there are reductions in flows, they cannot forthwith be attributed to Indian action.

Also, Pakistan continues to be uncomfortable about Indian projects on the western rivers despite the many stringent safeguards provided by the Treaty to protect Pakistan against certain perceived dangers. Pakistan wants the Treaty to give the exclusive use of the western rivers with no provision whatever for even limited use by India; but such a Treaty might not have been signed by India. But, what with the permissive and restrictive provisions in the Treaty, and the density of technical detail in it, the situation in the Permanent Indus Commission (PIC) has turned adverse, leading to a constant tug of war, instead of constructive cooperation.

Also Pakistan is worried about the number of projects that India is planning on the western rivers. This is because, even with strict compliance with the provisions of the Treaty in each case, India might, taking all the projects together, acquire a measure of control over the waters of the western rivers and might potentially be able to inflict harm on Pakistan.

Pakistan believes that India might be planning a hundred projects. There seems to be no basis for that number. It is more likely that India might have in mind some thirty projects or so. It is not clear whether all those projects will in fact be undertaken, but assuming that they are, it is necessary to consider whether all of them will together give India a greater degree of control; enable large storage; make it possible for India to withhold water from Pakistan, or release stored waters and flood Pakistan. India claims that most of these will be small projects, which are run-of-the-river projects. Given the restrictive provisions of the Treaty, there is hardly any scope either for the retention of waters to the detriment of the lower riparian or for flooding the lower riparian; and that assuming that India wants to harm Pakistan it can do so only by openly violating the Treaty and by first harming itself, its own people, and its own projects (built at great cost).

Islamabad should also not doubt India’s plan to put up projects that do not impede water flows on the western rivers, because Article III of the IWT allows it the use of western river waters for domestic, non-consumptive and agriculture purposes, besides the generation of electricity.

Though the treaty has a mechanism to ensure compliance with the stipulated partitioning of rivers, a major weakness from Pakistan’s standpoint is that it does not compel or require India to do anything on its side for the optimum development of what is, after all, an integrated water system. Inflows to Pakistan depend not just on rainfall and snowmelt in India and China (the uppermost eastern riparian) but also on the health of tributaries, streams, nullahs and acquifers as well as groundwater, soil and forest management practices. This is a classic externality problem. Costs incurred by the upper riparian on responsible watershed management will produce disproportionate benefits for the lower riparian, hence they are not incurred.

Under the treaty, India is allowed to store 3.6 million acreage feet (MAF) of water of the western rivers, but it has not built any such facility so far, allowing unimpeded flows into Pakistan. Since the water level in the Chenab varies wildly during winter and summer, a better strategy would be for both countries to build a joint storage project which would serve the farmers of both countries during the lean periods, some experts aver.

Pakistan might consider the following two points as harmful.

  • The initial filling of the Baglihar reservoir, and
  • The planned diversion of Kishenganga waters

The first was a very minor and relatively innocuous matter which was blown up into a huge controversy. The issue has been closed at the last meeting of the PIC. The Kishenganga diversion, which Pakistan considers to be a violation of the Treaty and India holds to be specifically permitted by the Treaty, is going to the Court of Arbitration.

The fact that river flows from India to Pakistan have slowly declined is borne out by data on both sides. Above Merala on the Chenab, for example, the average monthly flows for September have nearly halved between 1999 and 2009. India claims that this is because of reduced rainfall and snowmelt. Pakistan refutes, preferring to link observable reductions in flows to hydroelectric projects on the Indian side. That is why, in the run-up to the February 25 meeting of the Indian and Pakistani Foreign Secretaries, Islamabad has gone out of its way to project water as the most important topic it intends to raise.

The reality of the partition

Though inter-provincial disputes over water sharing were a fact of life in this region before 1947, the partition of the subcontinent introduced a further complexity. It was easy for Radcliffe to draw a line on a map and divide up the land of British India but people and water were harder to partition. The rupture to the region’s hydrological system proved to be traumatic. The rivers which irrigated the new nation all had their origins in India. But as an upper riparian locked in a politically adversarial relationship with Pakistan, the Indian side had little or no incentive to look at the Indus basin as an integrated water system. The early years of independence saw bitter disputes as India treated the waters of the Indus’s five tributaries — Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas and Sutlej — as its own. Geography and terrain meant the Indus itself could not be harnessed on the Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir but intermittent, small-scale, diversions on the tributaries generated considerable tension with Pakistan. In 1960, the two countries sought to put an end to this tension by signing the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) with the World Bank’s mediation.

The IWT partitioned the six rivers of the Indus watershed on a crudely longitudinal basis. India was given exclusive use of the waters of the three eastern tributaries, the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej, and the right to “non-consumptive” use of the western rivers, namely the Indus, Jhelum and Chenab. Under the IWT, India renounced its right to block or divert the flows of the ‘western’ rivers and agreed to confine itself to run-of-the-river hydroelectric projects and the drawing of irrigation water for a specified acreage of farm land. This partitioning was irrational from an ecological standpoint and led to both sides incurring considerable expense as they were forced to develop canal infrastructure drawing on “their” allocated rivers to compensate for the non-use of the other side’s rivers despite that water flowing through their own territory.

Pakistani officials keep accusing India of violating the 1960 treaty on the division of the Indus waters. The Indian side, of course, denies this, and there is, in any case, a system of international mediation built into the IWT for binding international arbitration if the two countries cannot resolve a water-related dispute. Pakistan invoked this mechanism for Baglihar in 2005, though the arbitrator ruled in favour of the project subject to certain modifications. An earlier dispute over the Salal project was resolved in the 1970s by the two Foreign Secretaries.

Many of the disputes that seem to be driven by fears of water scarcity are actually a reflection of another kind of scarcity: electricity. Pakistan opposes the Indian Kishenganga hydel project on the Jhelum, for example, because it will interfere with its proposed Neelum-Jhelum power plant. But if the two countries could build trust in one another, there is no reason why they cannot agree on energy swaps that could do away with the need to duplicate power projects, especially those which restrict the flow of water. Today, given the way terrorism has eroded the Indian political system’s capacity and willingness to do business with Pakistan, such ideas seem hopelessly utopian. But they do offer a glimpse of the kind of future that might be possible should the terrorist menace end. Rather than refusing to talk water, India should show Pakistan how the keys to ending its aquatic insecurities lie in its own hands.

In fact, Islamabad’s desire to bring the water issue on the table on the eve of this week’s foreign secretary talks is a change from its stand in 2002, when the “Pakistan Water Sector Strategy” argued for thwarting any “attempt by India” to scrap the treaty. It anticipated an adverse impact on the river water flows if the treaty was scrapped and argued for building storage capacities to meet requirements in times of shortages, which Pakistan has failed to do adequately.

Silting at dams

Pakistan’s problems are compounded by silting at the Tarbela and Mangla dams, with an internal official assessment admitting that it has lost 32 per cent of its storage capacity due to the problem.

While framing the IWT, the irrigable area of India and Pakistan was assessed at 26 million acres and 39 million acres respectively, while the waters available to them are 32.8 MAF and 135.6 MAF respectively. This means that only about 1.26 feet of water is available to India for its agriculture on eastern rivers, while about 3.5 feet of water is available to Pakistan for its agriculture.

Unused water

Pakistan has a large surplus of unused water. Its documents show about 30 MAF as “available surplus” with a very high escapage to the sea. Pakistan’s irrigation efficiency is also understood to be low, at an estimated 40 per cent. Virtually all of the municipal and industrial wastewater is returned to the rivers, nullahs and streams untreated, which results in deterioration of water quality.

The Pakistan document also suggests that canal capacities are not sufficient to provide the share of each province as per their allocation. The inefficient system aggravates the problems.

As a result of the IWT, Pakistan was assisted by India financially (£62.06 million) and by the IBRD fund to build replacement works, including link canals for transferring waters of the western rivers to eastern rivers. This network of link canals could be used by Pakistan to properly distribute the water.

Pakistan believes that the diversion of Neelum waters is not allowed under the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, as it will cause a 27 per cent water deficit, when the project is completed. The reduced water flow in the Neelum would not yield the required results of the proposed 1.6 billion dollars Neelum-Jehlum hydropower project that has been designed to generate 969 MW of electricity. It said that India has almost completed a 22-kilometre long tunnel to divert Kishanganga waters to Wullar Lake in Jammu and Kashmir.

President Obama’s Special Envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke has said Washington is in consultations with India and Pakistan to help both countries resolve water disputes between them.

In an interview with a private television channel, Holbrooke termed Pakistan’s water crisis as the second most worry for that country after its sagging economy. “Pakistan’s water crisis is the second most dangerous crisis after its economic turmoil,” The Daily Times quoted Holbrooke, as saying.

The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), inked between India and Pakistan in 1960, provides appointment of a neutral expert by the World Bank as a last option to resolve water related issues between both the countries.

Unless both countries can arrive at a compromise where the dispute is concerned, analysts fear that this problem might lead to a terrible Indo – Pakistan war.

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Tejaswini Sawant won a gold at the World Championships

Tuesday, August 10th, 2010

Tejaswini Sawant, won Gold at World Championships and has created history as she is the first Indian woman shooter to win a gold medal at the World Championships. Tejaswini Sawant has won Gold in 50m Rifle Prone event with a world-record equalling score at Munich, Germany where the World Championships are being held.

Tejaswini Sawant (born: 12 September 1980) is an Indian shooter from the Maharashtrian city of Kolhapur.

Tejaswini Sawant scripted history on 8.08.2010 by becoming the first Indian woman shooter to clinch a gold medal at the World Championships with a world-record equalling score in the 50m Rifle Prone event in Munich, Germany.Sawant shot a score of 597 (100,100,100,99,99,99), equalling the 1998 record set by Marina Bobkova of Russia.

Tejaswini arrived on the shooting scene in 1999 when she was adjudged the best shooter of the NCC 6 Maharashtra Girls Battalion. But the defining moment came in 2001, when Tejaswini finished 5th in the Mavlankar Championship at Asansol.

Sawant represented India at the 9th South Asian Sports Federation Games in 2004 in Islamabad where she helped India win gold medal. She was selected to represent India at Commonwealth Games ahead of Asian Games gold medallist Anjali Ved Pathak Bhagwat and world record holder Suma Shirur after winning 5 gold medals, 6 silver medals and 5 bronze medals at the national championships. In 2006, she won gold medals in Women’s 10m Air Rifle singles and Women’s 10m Air Rifle Pairs (with Avneet Kaur Sidhu) events at the Commonwealth Games at Melbourne. Sawant won a bronze medal in 50 metre rifle three positions at the 2009 ISSF World Cup in Munich. On 8 August 2010 she became the World Champion in the 50m Rifle Prone event in Munich, Germany. She was the first Indian woman shooter to win a gold medal at the World Championships with a world-record equalling score in the 50m Rifle Prone event

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has congratulated Tejaswini Sawant on becoming the first Indian woman shooter to clinch a gold medal at the World Championships in Munich, Germany. In a message, Singh said her outstanding performance has brought laurels to the nation and her achievement will inspire other youngsters to do their best for the country.

Maharashtra Government on 9.08.2010 announced a cash prize of Rs five lakh to Tejaswini Sawant for winning a gold medal in the 50 metre rifle shooting prone category at the World Shooting Championships held in Munich, Germany.

The Municipal Corporation of Pune on 10.08.2010 felicitated ace woman shooter Tejaswini Sawant on winning a gold medal in the 50-metre rifle category at the World Shooting Championship held in Munich, Germany. On behalf of the Corporation, Pune Mayor Mohan Singh Rajpal presented a shawl and a cheque of Rs one lakh to Sawant.

Maharashtra governor K Sankaranarayanan has congratulated Tejaswini Sawant for winning the gold medal at the World Shooting Championships held in Munich. In a congratulatory message to Tejaswini, the governor said she did the nation proud by striking a Gold at the World Shooting Championships held in Germany. “You have had a brilliant record at the Commonwealth Games held in 2006 and the nation has great expectations from you for the forthcoming Commonwealth Games in Delhi and the Asian Games in China,” he said. “The people of Maharashtra are rightly enthused by your world record equalling feat. I congratulate you and wish you glorious success in your future career,” he said.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Access to clean water and sanitation is now a Human Right

Saturday, August 7th, 2010

In a landmark resolution, the United Nations General Assembly has recognised access to clean water and sanitation as a human right. The 39-state proposal, initiated by Bolivian President Evo Morales, was passed by 122 votes to zero, with 41 member states abstaining.

The negotiations leading to the vote, however, were detailed and tense, and showed clear political divisions on North-South lines. The major opposition came from the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Japan and several other industrialised countries together with developing countries known for siding with the U.S. and former colonial powers.

Indeed, had Germany and Spain not stated that they would not oppose the resolution, opponents such as the U.K. and Sweden may even have succeeded in conveying the impression that the European Union as a whole had achieved a consensus against it. Some delegations, implausibly in this electronic age, said they did not receive their governments’ instructions in time for the vote. Campaigning groups have also said that an attempt was made within the U.N. to derail the resolution, in the form of a prior letter sent by the U.N. Secretary General’s Advisory Board to the President of the General Assembly suggesting alterations to the draft resolution; some have implied that this constituted an attempt to impose a neoliberal tone on the draft.

The fact remains, nevertheless, that nearly 900 million people lack access to safe drinking water; nearly two billion people live in water-stressed areas around the world, and three billion live a kilometre or more away from the nearest running water. Over 2.6 billion lack access to basic sanitation, and 1.5 million children under five die every year because of contaminated water or poor sanitation.

Writing in The New York Times, Mikhail Gorbachev calls the situation “water apartheid,” and notes that since the end of World War II contaminated water has killed more people than all forms of violence combined.

As to major diseases, AIDS, malaria, and measles together do not account for as many deaths as impure water does. The U.N. resolution is non-binding, but it has been hailed as a decisive move in the worldwide struggle for access to safe water as essential to human survival and dignity. Although the vote in the General Assembly has shown political cleavages, the passage of the resolution is a tribute to the tireless work of water-rights NGOs such as the Canada-based Blue Planet Project and to those Latin American states which, having learnt by bitter experience what neoliberalism means in practice, are leading the way towards significant alternatives.

Courtesy: The Hindu

Babhali Barrage row and rift between Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra

Friday, August 6th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

The contentious Babhali Barrage issue, now at the centre of a controversy between Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, is scheduled to come up for further hearing before the Supreme Court in August 2010.  Though the Maharashtra government was permitted by the apex court in April 2007 to go ahead with the construction of the Babhali Barrage, it has been restrained from installing 13 gates on it till further orders.

Maharashtra believes that they are strictly honouring the Godavari Water Disputes Tribunal (GWDT) award of 1975 and following the apex court directives by not impounding the water.

The Controversy

The Babhali Barrage is being constructed on the Godavari, around 80 km from Nanded, the home district of Chief Minister Ashok Chavan of Maharashtra. Situated within the Maharashtra boundary, the barrage is seven kilometres upstream from the state border at the confluence of the Godavari and Manjra rivers. With a storage capacity of 2.75 million cubic feet, the barrage will cater to the drinking water requirements of 58 surrounding villages and irrigate 7,995 hectares of agricultural land. The total cost of the barrage (as per revised estimates) would be around Rs.2.21 billion and the state has already spent Rs.1.6 billion on the project.

Chavan said 80 percent of the work on the barrage is almost complete, including the approach roads on both sides of the project. Minor works like electrification for operating the barrage gates, constructing a generator room and inspection posts are currently under way.

Andhra Pradesh has claimed that the Babhali Barrage is being constructed within the backwaters of the Pochampad Dam in the Telangana region. It says Maharashtra is violating the GWDT agreement of October 1975, and challenged the matter in the Supreme Court.

It apprehends that the barrage would cut off water supply to the Pochampad Dam, adding to the woes of the farmers and create serious drinking water supply problems in the Telangana region.

Rejecting this strongly, the Maharashtra government has said that the barrage is being built seven kilometres upstream from the state border and within the state’s territory. They claim that they have prepared the schemes within the limits of the (water) share allotted by GWDT.

Chavan says that the state would not deprive Andhra Pradesh of even a drop of its due water share.

Arrest of TDP Chief

Andhra Pradesh’s opposition Telugu Desam Party (TDP) chief N. Chandrababu Naidu, along with 74 supporters, in July 2010 entered Dharmabad town in Nanded district to examine the site of the Babhali Barrage over the Godavari river and ascertain whether Maharashtra was grabbing more than its share of water. They were arrested since they flouted prohibitory orders and remanded to judicial custody till July 26.

Even as they were being shifted from Dharmabad to Aurangabad, the Maharashtra government suddenly decided to drop all charges against Naidu and 65 others.

Instead of being taken to jail, they were driven straight to Chikhalthna Airport near Aurangabad and sent back to Hyderabad in a chartered Indian Airlines aircraft.

In the past few days, all political parties have described the TDP agitation as “a political stunt” to gain mileage in the July 27 by-elections in Telangana.

July 29, 2010

In order to discuss the row over the Babhali dam project between the riverine states, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had called a meeting of chief ministers of Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra on Aug 2, 2010. The meeting was aimed at addressing apprehensions among political parties in Andhra Pradesh, on Maharashtra not sticking to its commitment about the project following Supreme Court directions. Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K. Rosaiah had led an all-party delegation to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and urged him to direct the Maharashtra government to dismantle the gates installed at the Babhali barrage and take necessary action to put an end to the dispute.

The delegation, which had representatives from all registered political parties in Andhra Pradesh, also urged the prime minister to call a meeting of the chief ministers of the two states to resolve the issue of Babhali barrage and 13 other barrages built on Godavari river, which flows through both states.

Political parties in Andhra Pradesh have accused Maharashtra of carrying out illegal construction on the Babhali barrage against a Supreme Court order, but Maharashtra denies it.

Aug 3, 2010

Chandrabau Naidu, the opposition leader told reporters that Rosaiah compromised the state’s interests during the meeting to save his “chair”. He pointed out that Maharashtra had already violated the Supreme Court’s interim order in the case by going ahead with the Babhali barrage across the Godavari. The Telugu Desam Party (TDP) chief, who along with other party leaders was arrested by Maharashtra police recently for marching towards Babhali, wanted Rosaiah to reveal the details of the meeting.

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K. Rosaiah denied that he compromised the interests of the state on the Babhali barrage dispute during a meeting with his Maharashtra counterpart in the presence of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Addressing a news conference, he said Andhra Pradesh would continue to pursue the contempt of court case filed in the Supreme Court against Maharashtra for not abiding by its interim order.

He also claimed that at the same time the two states would continue their efforts to find a mutually acceptable solution to the problem. The chief minister said it was the opinion of the central government that both the states should abide by the Supreme Court order on the dispute.

Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) chief K. Chiranjeevi also said the meeting was not satisfactory. He too urged Rosaiah to call an all-party meeting and reveal the details of his discussions in Delhi. Andhra Pradesh argues that Babhali dam will deprive the state of its rightful share of Godavari waters.

Aug 5th 2010

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had convened a meeting of chief ministers of Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra over the Babhali barrage row and called upon the two riverine States to abide by the Supreme Court’s interim order.

The Lok Sabha was adjourned on Aug 4th 2010 for half-an-hour following protests by the members of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the Shiva Sena over the Babhali dam dispute over the Godavari river. As the house convened at 11 a.m on 4.08.2010, the TDP members came near Speaker Meira Kumar’s podium shouting slogans over the issue. The enraged Shiv Sena members also started the protest, forcing the speaker to adjourn the house till 11.30 a.m.

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POSCO Project in Orissa and the Current Scenario

Thursday, August 5th, 2010

Vignesh Kumar

The poorest State in India with an official estimate of 39.9 per cent of people living below the poverty line, yet Orissa stands proudly at the second position after Gujarat where proposed investment is concerned. According to Assocham Investment Meter, recorded investment proposals in Orissa reached Rs. 2,00,846 crore (roughly 40 billion USD) in 2009. The cause is the availability of rich mineral resources such as coal and iron ore along with cheap availability of manpower. Steel and power were among the sectors which attracted maximum proposed investments in the state. This was in fact the basis for the commencement of the Posco Project in Orissa which today is creating a huge controversy.

History of the Posco Project

23 June, 2005

On 23/06/2005, the global steel giant POSCO signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government of Orissa in Bhubaneswar for the construction of a steel plant as well as development of iron ore mines in the state. This was the first step towards the construction of a steel plant in Orissa. The MoU was signed by Mr. Soung-Sik Cho, Executive Vice President of POSCO and Mr. Bhaskar Chatterjee, Principal Secretary of the Government of Orissa, with the participation of Mr. Ku-Taek Lee, Chairman and CEO of POSCO and Mr. Naveen Patnaik, Chief Minister of Orissa.

According to the MoU, POSCO will build a 3 million tonne capacity steel plant, blast furnace or Finex route, during the first phase in Paradeep, Orissa between 2007 and 2010 and expand the final production volume to 12 million tonnes. The investment proposed was to the tune of US$12 billion, including an initial investment of US$ 3 billion during the first phase.

The Government of Orissa was supposed to grant POSCO mining lease rights for 30 years that would ensure an adequate supply of 600 million tonnes of iron ore to POSCO. This in turn will ensure the competitive operations of the POSCO India steel plant. The government will also promote the construction plan for railways, roads, industrial water and electricity keeping up with the steelwork construction plan of POSCO.

The key factors that have been taken into account by POSCO for entering India include the highest projected growth rates over 2006-2020, the skilled workforce and abundant natural resources, especially of iron ore, coal and chrome. The Indian governments progressive policies have also helped ease regulations to set up such projects.

India would derive significant benefits from the project once it is functional, including job creation of 48,000 jobs in the region and 467,000 man years of employment during the construction phase. Foreign exchange inflows of US$23 billion were projected, with taxes and royalty incomes of US$20.3 billion for the central government and US$5.1 billion for the Orissa government.

POSCO’s Indian steel plant project is a significant part of the company’s strategy to enhance its global competitiveness and was seen as a mutual win-win initiative for both the parties involved.

Origin of Posco

Founded in 1968 and headquartered in the southeastern port city of Pohang, POSCO operates two of the world’s premier steel works–the Pohang and Gwangyang works. The Pohang works produces crude steel of 13 million tonnes and specializes in small-lot production of a broad range of products, including hot-rolled coil and cold-rolled sheet, plate, wire rod, electrical steel, and stainless steel. The Gwangyang works focuses on mass-production of limited high-demand products such as hot and cold rolled sheet and produces crude steel of 17 million tonnes. POSCO’s products are shipped to over 60 countries around the globe, satisfying some of the world’s most quality-sensitive customers.

POSCO project

The $12 billion Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO) project in Orissa is the largest foreign investment project ever in India. This project has three components:

  • Captive iron ore mines in three areas of Keonjhar District and Sundargarh District.
  • Mining lease on 6204 Hectares in Sundargarh District recommended to be approved by the Supreme Court.
  • Steel plant: in Jagatsinghpur District, coastal area. Private port: at the mouth of the river Jatadhari, close to steel plant area; the MoU only makes reference to the possibility of a “minor port” being created.

POSCO needs some 4004 acres, of which but ten percent belong to the cultivators. The rest of the land required belongs to the government, and this has been recorded as “under forest” in official documentation. Government records do not show that the vast majority of this land has been under cultivation by the people living in these areas for generations

A field study in Orissa made found that during the land survey and settlement operation carried out in the late 1950s and continuing in the 1980s in some areas of Koraput district, hardly one per cent land in actual possession of the tribal communities was recorded in their favour.

Tribal cultivators are then termed “encroachers”, and their eviction from mineral rich forest and hill tracts follows “legally”. Much lauded statutory provisions that purport to give protection to indigenous forest dwellers are ignored (“interpreted”) by the relevant ministries to achieve the same result.

POSCO has delinked the mining project from the plant construction in order to get the vast project underway. A license for over 2,500 hectares for the proposed Khandadhar iron ore mines has been recommended by the Orissa State government, despite opposition from other companies and locals. But existing iron ore mining in the region has already severely impacted the water resources of a large region inhabited by many thousands. In the immediate region of the proposed mines the only constant water source are waterfalls that are already contaminated from iron mining with the result that the water is now not safe for drinking. In the larger surrounding region the Central Underground Water Board has reported that the underground water level in Joda and Barbil river areas has subsided by four metres, that forty percent of the region’s 8,000 tube wells no longer function, and that nearly half of the irrigated land can no longer rely on water from the Khandadhar waterfalls.

The POSCO project as a whole requires an immense impact on one of the last forested areas remaining in central India. Particular concern has been voiced over the State government’s commitment to “facilitate” the provision to POSCO of 7,000 crore liters of water per year for the plant alone from the very limited water resources of the draught ridden state.

But POSCO is not having a smooth run. The anti-POSCO movement is gearing up again against land acquisition. The POSCO struggle has now acquired strategic importance for other industries and corporate groups that face public agitation for destroying forests. This has added an extra dimension to anti-POSCO movement; caging the aspirations of agitators to basic minimum such as maintenance of status-quo or better compensation.

POSCO has not been able to initiate any project-related work on the ground. The forest clearance for POSCO was granted in December 2009. The Scheduled Tribes and Other Forest-Dwellers Recognition of Forest Rights Act, 2006 (henceforth, FRA) provides for settlement of rights by recognising the right of forest-dwellers to occupy, cultivate, use and protect areas within which they were residing before 13 December 2005. The rules for the Act were notified in January 2008. So, the forest clearance for the project could not have been granted till this process of filing claims and conferring rights was initiated and completed.

Since 30 July 2009, there has also been a circular of the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) in operation which also seeks the above, not just for POSCO but for all projects coming up before the MoEF for forest clearance, which states that the State/UT Governments, where process of settlement of Rights under the FRA is yet to begin, are required to enclose evidences supporting that settlement of rights under FRA 2006 will be initiated and completed before the final approval for proposals..

Nonetheless, within five months, the forest clearance for POSCO was granted without the FRA process in the area being complete. As compensation, the clearance letter included a condition that the processes under the FRA would need to be completed before the clearance became effective.

This and many other violations were brought to the attention of Jairam Ramesh, Minister of Environment and Forests (MoEF). The ministry responded by issuing another note on 8 January 2010 reiterating the condition stipulated in the forest clearance, which says that the rights of the tribal people will need to be settled, prior to the forest clearance being in operation.

The MoU stands expired on 22 June 2010. But the MoU has a clause which states that “no such extension shall be considered unless the Company has made substantial progress on implementation of the project in terms of construction, erection of plant and machinery and investment at site to the satisfaction of the State Government in these five years in implementing the first phase as envisaged in this MoU.”

According to the same document the first phase should have meant that 6 MT production of steel should have been commissioned, which has not happened. By the terms of the MoU, therefore, the absence of progress would imply that the MoU cannot be extended.

For the local opposition to the POSCO project, all these are legalese that will iron themselves out along the way. What matters crucially is that the people resisting remain united in thought and action. Despite differences and tension on the ground, the fact remains that POSCO has not been able to start work on its project for five years.

July 28th 2010

Shrugging off mounting opposition from the local people and objections from the Joint Committee under the Ministry of Environment and Forests, which is overseeing the implementation of the Forest Right Act (FRA), the Orissa government began the land acquisition process for the proposed Posco-India steel project in Jagatsinghpur district.

Revenue officials, flanked by a horde of police personnel, made the first real attempt to acquire land five years after the State government inked a Memorandum of Understanding with South Korean steel major Posco.

The locations of betel vines were documented using the Global Positioning System; the vines were subsequently removed in the presence of the owner and witnesses and the place was demarcated as ‘acquired.’ The administration paid Rs.1.15 lakh to the displaced person.

But the Orissa government halted the land acquisition process overnight for Posco’s Rs51,000 crore mega steel project near here after facing stiff opposition from villagers. Though the administration carried out land acquisition work and paid compensation to two betel leaf cultivators, the official team was prevented from entering Gada Kujang in the proposed project area as villagers blocked the main link road.

State agriculture minister Damodar Rout and Ersama-Balikuda MLA Prashant Kumar Muduli, along with the district collector, had rushed to Gada Kujung to speak to villagers.

They held a marathon meeting with the representatives of the pro-project United Action Committee (UAC) for facilitating the land acquisition process. UAC, the BJD-backed local body supporting the Posco project, is resisting land acquisition by the administration for not informing villagers.

Civil rights groups have accused the state government of knowingly violating norms under Forest Rights Acts and sought the intervention of Orissa high court chief justice.

CPI-backed Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) is opposing land acquisition for the project.

Aug 03, 2010

Indian metals major Ve­danta Aluminum and Korean steel behemoth Posco fe­ar that their multi-billion pr­ojects may face inordinate delays after environm­ent minister Jairam Ram­e­sh told policymakers in Pa­r­liament on Aug 2nd 2010 that bo­th firms violated forest laws. Ramesh also maintained that the two companies were under investigation in Orissa for violations.

Chief conservator of forests JK Tiwari’s inspection report of August 16, 2009, clarified that there was no violation of law. The report also stated that there were no environmental infringements. A three-member committee set up by environment ministry also concluded on February 11 2010 this year that there “was no mining or construction on the 660.749 hectares of land under question that was allotted to Vedanta”.

Similar was the tone and tenor of Posco officials who refused to accept that the company violated any law. A senior Posco official told Financial Chronicle that the minister was going against his own guidelines. Already, an environment ministry team led by environment activist Ashish Kothari has raised objections about the way clearances were accorded to the Posco project in the state. Yet another panel led by a retired official Meenu Gupta is examining how these alleged infringements had taken place.

Meanwhile, the Jagatsinghpur district administration has submitted its detailed report on socio-economic, forest and horticulture survey of the proposed Posco steel plant conducted in eight villages including the trouble torn Dhinkia village to state government. According to Posco officials, the report backed the company’s claims on the land

The survey teams colle­cted data of betel vines, pra­wn gheris and other immovable assets without identification of beneficiaries. The number and area of prawn gheris, betel vines and other immovable assets have be­en included in this report.

In July 2010, Posco announced a compensation package for the people to be displaced by its Rs 51,000 crore mega steel project. The South Korean steel major would pay Rs 17 lakh per acre of agriculture land while the price of area under betel vine was fixed at Rs 11.5 lakh per acre.

Aug 4th 2010

The Orissa government resumed its global positioning system -based resurvey for the proposed Rs 54,000-crore Posco Steel Project near Paradip, following a three-day halt, after the United Action Committee (UAC), a pro-Posco outfit, agreed to lend support. Following state agriculture minister Damodar Rout and local legislator Prasant Muduli’s assurance to UAC members that after discussions with the state government, their demands would be fulfilled within next 10 days, they agreed to cooperate in the exercise.

Stop Posco project, Centre tells Orissa – 5.08.2010

In the latest hurdle to Posco’s embattled Rs.54,000-crore steel project in Orissa, the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests has told the State government to stop all work related to it, including land acquisition and handover, as it is violating the Forest Rights Act (FRA).

The August 5, 2010 order comes in the wake of a report by a committee set up jointly by the Environment and Tribal Affairs Ministries to assess the impact of the Act on sustainable forest resources management. A sub-group of the committee visited Orissa and found that “certain violations related to the Posco project were taking place as well.”

The Environment Ministry’s clearance for diversion of forest land for the project had stipulated that FRA implementation be completed first before any acquisition and handover. The committee found that the FRA process, to give land rights to the original forest dwellers, had still not even gone beyond the initial stages.

The State government has also failed to respond to the July 29, 2010 demand for urgent information on the land handover to Posco. Instead, the district administration seems to be proceeding with land acquisition from consenting families and demolition of paan cultivation, the order said. “The team’s conclusion is that any work related to the project in the area…is a violation of the FRA and of the conditionality laid down by the MoEF in its forest clearance,” the order said.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Bosnia Serbia Conflict, Genocide and the Present Stage

Tuesday, August 3rd, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

The former Yugoslavia consisted of six republics and two autonomous regions. Today Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia are independent nations. Serbia and Montenegro comprise the rump Yugoslavia.

Bosnia and Herzegovina make up a triangular-shaped republic, about half the size of Kentucky, on the Balkan Peninsula. The Bosnian region in the north is mountainous and covered with thick forests. The Herzegovina region in the south is largely rugged, flat farmland. It has a narrow coastline without natural harbors stretching 13 miles (20 km) along the Adriatic Sea. It is an emerging democracy, with a rotating, tripartite presidency divided between predominantly Serb, Croatian, and Bosnian political parties.

History

Called Illyricum in ancient times, the area now called Bosnia and Herzegovina was conquered by the Romans in the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. and folded into the Roman province of Dalmatia. In the 4th and 5th centuries A.D, Goths overran that portion of the declining Roman Empire and occupied the area until the 6th century, when the Byzantine Empire claimed it. Slavs began settling the region during the 7th century. Around 1200, Bosnia won independence from Hungary and endured as an independent Christian state for some 260 years.

The expansion of the Ottoman Empire into the Balkans introduced another cultural, political, and religious framework. The Turks defeated the Serbs at the famous battle of Kosovo in 1389. They conquered Bosnia in 1463. During the 450 years in which Bosnia and Herzegovina were under Ottoman rule, many Christian Slavs became Muslim. Bosnian Islamic elite gradually developed and ruled the country on behalf of the Turkish overlords. As the borders of the Ottoman Empire began to shrink in the 19th century, Muslims from elsewhere in the Balkans migrated to Bosnia. Bosnia also developed a sizable Jewish population, with many Jews settling in Sarajevo after their expulsion from Spain in 1492. However, through the 19th century the term Bosnian commonly included residents of all faiths. A relatively secular society, intermarriage among religious groups was not uncommon.

Neighboring Serbia and Montenegro fought against the Ottoman Empire in 1876 and were aided by the Russians, their fellow Slavs. At the Congress of Berlin in 1878, following the end of the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878), Austria-Hungary was given a mandate to occupy and govern Bosnia and Herzegovina, in an effort by Europe to ensure that Russia did not dominate the Balkans. Although the provinces were still officially part of the Ottoman Empire, they were annexed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire on Oct. 7, 1908. As a result, relations with Serbia, which had claims on Bosnia and Herzegovina, became embittered. The hostility between the two countries climaxed in the assassination of Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo on June 28, 1914, by a Serbian nationalist. This event precipitated the start of World War I (1914–1918). Bosnia and Herzegovina were annexed to Serbia as part of the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes on Oct. 26, 1918. The name was later changed to Yugoslavia in 1929.

When Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, Bosnia and Herzegovina were made part of Nazi-controlled Croatia. During the German and Italian occupation, Bosnian and Herzegovinian resistance fighters fought a fierce guerrilla war against the Ustachi, the Croatian Fascist troops. At the end of World War II, Bosnia and Herzegovina were reunited into a single state as one of the six republics of the newly reestablished Communist Yugoslavia under Marshall Tito. His authoritarian control kept the ethnic enmity of his patchwork nation in check. Tito died in 1980, and with growing economic dissatisfaction and the fall of the iron curtain over the next decade, Yugoslavia began to splinter.

In Dec. 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence from Yugoslavia and asked for recognition by the European Union (EU). In a March 1992 referendum, Bosnian voters chose independence, and President Alija Izetbegovic declared the nation an independent state. Unlike the other former Yugoslav states, which were generally composed of a dominant ethnic group, Bosnia was an ethnic tangle of Muslims (44%), Serbs (31%), and Croats (17%), and this mix contributed to the duration and savagery of its fight for independence.

Ethnic Antgonism Erupts in War

Both the Croatian and Serbian presidents had planned to partition Bosnia between themselves. Attempting to carve out their own enclaves, the Serbian minority, with the help of the Serbian Yugoslav army, took the offensive and laid siege, particularly on Sarajevo, and began its ruthless campaigns of ethnic cleansing, which involved the expulsion or massacre of Muslims. Croats also began carving out their own communities. By the end of Aug. 1992, rebel Bosnian Serbs had conquered over 60% of Bosnia. The war did not begin to wane until NATO stepped in, bombing Serb positions in Bosnia in Aug. and Sept. 1995. Serbs entered the UN safe havens of Tuzla, Zepa, and Srebrenica, where they murdered thousands. About 250,000 died in the war between 1992 and 1995.

U.S.-sponsored peace talks in Dayton, Ohio, led to an agreement in 1995 that called for a Muslim-Croat federation and a Serb entity within the larger federation of Bosnia. Sixty thousand NATO troops were to supervise its implementation. Fighting abated and orderly elections were held in Sept. 1996. President Izetbegovic, a Bosnian Muslim, or Bosniak, won the majority of votes to become the leader of the three-member presidency, each representing one of the three ethnic groups.

But this alliance of unreconstructed enemies had little success in creating a working government or keeping violent clashes in check. The terms of the Dec. 1995 Dayton Peace Accord were largely ignored by Bosnian Serbs, with its former president, arch-nationalist Radovan Karadzic, still in de facto control of the Serbian enclave. Many indicted war criminals, including Karadzic, remain at large. NATO proved to be a largely ineffective peacekeeping force.

Post – Dayton Peace Accord

The crucial priorities facing postwar Bosnian leaders were rebuilding the economy, resettling the estimated one million refugees still displaced, and establishing a working government. Progress on these goals has been minimal, and a massive corruption scandal uncovered in 1999 severely tested the goodwill of the international community.

In 1994, the UN’s International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia opened in The Hague, Netherlands. In Aug. 2001, Radislav Drstic, a Bosnian Serb general, was found guilty of genocide in the killing of up to 8,000 Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica in 1995. It was the first genocide conviction in Europe since the UN genocide treaty was drawn up in 1951. In 2001, the trial of former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic began. He was charged with crimes against humanity. The expensive and lengthy trial ended without a verdict when he died in March 2006.

Under pressure from Paddy Ashdown, the international administrator of Bosnia authorized under the Dayton Accord, Bosnian Serb leaders finally admitted in June 2004 that Serbian troops were responsible for the massacre of up to 8,000 Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica in 1995. Until then, Serb leaders had refused to acknowledge guilt in the worst civilian massacre since World War II. In Feb. 2007, the International Court of Justice ruled that the massacre was genocide, but stopped short of saying Serbia was directly responsible. The decision spared Serbia from having to pay war reparations to Bosnia. The court’s president, Judge Rosalyn Higgins, however, criticized Serbia for not preventing the genocide. The court also ordered Serbia to turn over Bosnian Serb leaders, including Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karakzic, who are accused of orchestrating the genocide and other crimes. Bosnians expressed disappointment with the ruling; they had demanded that Serbia pay war reparations.

In Dec. 2004, the European Union officially took over NATO’s peacekeeping mission in Bosnia. It is the largest peacekeeping operation the EU has undertaken. In March 2005, Ashdown, the international administrator, sacked Dragan Covic, the Croat member of the presidency, charging him with corruption and abuse of office. Covic became the third member of the Bosnian presidency forced to resign since the tripartite presidency was established.

Small Steps toward inclusion in the EU

Elections in Oct. 2006 reinforced the lingering ethnic tensions in the country. The Serbian coalition, which favors an independent state, narrowly defeated the Muslim-Croat Federation that prefers moving toward a more unified country. In January 2007, Bosnian Serb Nikola Spiric took over as prime minister and formed a new government. He resigned in Nov. 2007 to protest against reforms introduced by an international envoy, who was appointed under the Dayton Accords, by the UN and the European Union and has the power to enact legislation and dismiss ministers. Spiric said the reforms, which the EU said would help the country’s entrance into the organization, would diminish the influence of Bosnian Serbs and enhance those of other ethnic groups. Crisis was averted later in November, when Spiric and the country’s Croat and Muslim leaders agreed on a series of reforms approved by Parliament.

On July 21, 2008, Radovan Karadzic, the Bosnian Serb president during the war in Bosnia in the 1990s, was charged with genocide, persecution, deportation, and other crimes against non-Serb civilians. Karadzic orchestrated the massacre of almost 8,000 Muslim men and boys in 1995 in Srebrenica. He was found outside Belgrade. The arrest will likely bring Serbia closer to joining the European Union.

War Crimes in a chronological order

War crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic, who was arrested in Serbia on 21st July, 2008 started out as defender of the Serbs in the 1992-95 Bosnian war but ended up a fugitive wanted on genocide charges.

1992:
Feb 29-March 1 - Bosnia’s Muslims and Croats vote for independence in referendum boycotted by Serbs.

April 6 - European Union recognises Bosnia’s independence. War breaks out and Serbs, under the leadership of Radovan Karadzic, lay siege to capital Sarajevo. They occupy 70 percent of the country, killing and persecuting Muslims and Croats to carve out a Serb Republic.

May - U.N. sanctions imposed on Serbia for backing rebel Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia.

1993:
Jan. – Bosnia peace efforts fail, war breaks out between Muslims and Croats, previously allied against Serbs.

April - Srebrenica, Zepa and Gorazde in eastern Bosnia are declared three of six U.N. “safe areas”. The United Nations Protection Force UNPROFOR deploys troops and Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) attacks stop. But the town remains isolated and only a few humanitarian convoys reach it in the following two years. 1994:

March – U.S.-brokered agreement ends Muslim-Croat war and creates a Muslim-Croat federation.

1995:
March - Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic orders that Srebrenica and Zepa be entirely cut off and aid convoys be stopped from reaching the towns.

July 9 – Karadzic issues a new order to conquer Srebrenica.

July 11 – Bosnian Serbs troops, under the command of General Ratko Mladic, capture the eastern enclave and U.N. “safe area” of Srebrenica, killing about 8,000 Muslim males in the following week. The U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague indicts Karadzic and Mladic for genocide for the siege of Sarajevo.

August - NATO starts air strikes against Bosnian Serb troops.

Nov. 21 – Following NATO air strikes against Bosnian Serbs, Bosnian Muslim President Alija Izetbegovic, Croatian President Franjo Tudjman and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic agree to a U.S.-brokered peace deal in Dayton, Ohio.

Dec. 14 – The three leaders sign the Dayton peace accords in Paris, paving the way for the arrival of a 66,000-strong NATO peacekeeping Implementation Force (IFOR) in Bosnia. The international community establishes a permanent presence in the country through the office of an international peace overseer.

1996:
July – West forces Karadzic to quit as Bosnian Serb president.

September – Nationalist parties win first post-war election, confirming Bosnia’s ethnic division.

1997:
Having lost power, Karadzic goes underground.

2002:
Feb. 12 - Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic goes on trial charged with 66 counts of genocide and war crimes in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo.

2003:
Dec. - Ex-NATO commander tells the court Milosevic knew Bosnian Serbs planned to massacre Muslims in Bosnia in 1995 – 2004.

June 11 - In a belated abandonment of its endless denials and under strong international pressure, the Bosnian Serb government make a landmark admission — that Serbs indeed massacred thousands of Muslims at in Srebrenica, on Karadzic’s orders.

2006:
March 11 – Milosevic is found dead in his cell in The Hague.

2008:
July 21 - Bosnian Serb wartime president Radovan Karadzic, one of the world’s most wanted men for planning and ordering genocide, one of the world’s most wanted men, was arrested 13 years after he was first indicted by the United Nations War Crimes Tribunal.

The 63-year-old war crimes suspect faces genocide charges for his role in the massacre of more than 8,000 Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica in Europe’s worst atrocity since the Second World War, and for organising the siege of Sarajevo which claimed 12,000 lives.

He is likely to be put on trial at The Hague in the most high-profile prosecution arising from the Balkans conflict since that of Slobodan Milosevic ended with the death from natural causes of the former Serb president in 2006 before a verdict could be reached.

Kosovo’s declaration of independence

Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia was enacted on Sunday, 17 February 2008 by a unanimous quorum of the Assembly of Kosovo, with 109 in favour and with no opposition, with all 11 representatives of the Serb minority boycotting the proceedings.  International reaction was mixed, and the world community continues to be divided on the issue of the international recognition of Kosovo.

A number of states expressed concern over the unilateral character of Kosovo’s declaration, or announced explicitly that they will not recognise an independent Kosovo. The UN Security Council remains divided on this issue: of its five members with veto power, three (the United States, United Kingdom, France) have recognised the declaration of independence, while the People’s Republic of China has expressed concern, urging the continuation of the previous negotiation framework. Russia has rejected the declaration and considers it illegal.  On 15 May 2008, Russia, China, and India released a joint statement where they called for new negotiations between the authorities of Belgrade and Pristina.

In Serbia, the ICJ’s judgment left the government’s policy towards Kosovo in ruins. Since 2008, the Serbian government has argued strongly that Kosovo’s independence was against international law, and called for new status-talks over the territory’s future; it also attached a lot of weight to the ICJ’s forthcoming decision. Yet as the verdict grew closer and perhaps in anticipation of a negative outcome, Serbia’s foreign minister Vuk Jeremić was emphatic that Belgrade would not recognise Kosovo’s independence irrespective of the outcome. The same view was reiterated by President Boris Tadić after the court published its opinion.

Current News

July 22, 2010

Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia was legal under international law, declared the World Court in a groundbreaking ruling with implications for separatist movements around the world and for Belgrade’s stalled EU membership talks. The ruling – taken up by the international court of justice after a complaint from Serbia – is likely to lead more countries to recognise Kosovo’s independence. The tiny state is backed by 69 countries but needs 100 to join the UN. The court said the declaration was not in violation of UN resolution 1244, which Belgrade interprets as a guarantee of Serbia’s territorial integrity, as the resolution contained no provisions to prevent a unilateral declaration.

July 27 2010

Bosnia’s Serb entity vowed on Tuesday never to recognise Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia although it was ruled legal by the World Court, and to back future Serbian moves on the matter The July 22 ruling rocked Serbia and analysts said it could both spur more states to recognise ethnic Albanian dominated Kosovo and embolden separatist minded regions everywhere including Bosnia’s Serb Republic, to more autonomy. The Prime Minister Milorad Dodik, told the reporters that it was best to follow Serbian policy.  He feels that the Serb Republic must not take a position of recognising Kosovo regardless of the fact that major world powers believe the ICJ opinion resolves the Kosovo issue. He added that the Serb Republic, which along with the Muslim Croat Federation comprises post war Bosnia, would form a panel to analyse the ruling.

Serbia’s parliament on 25th July 2010, passed a resolution rejecting the ICJ ruling and mandating the government to lobby for new talks on the status of Kosovo by proposing a United Nations Security Council resolution.

The day after the ruling, Dodik revisited the idea of secession but the United States was quick to rule out any fresh partition of Bosnia, wrecked by inter ethnic fighting in 1992 95 and still under international supervision. Dodik, known for his separatist rhetoric, has called the meeting of all Bosnian Serb party leaders to discuss the effects of the world court ruling on Bosnia but most of them failed to show up, saying the meeting was arranged for Dodik’s promotion.

Borislav Bojic, of the biggest opposition Serb Democratic Party (SDS) said that Dodik had tried to exploit the situation around Kosovo for his own political promotion instead of securing consensus about such an important issue.

Bosnian Serbs continue to look for support to their wartime patron Serbia as well as Russia, which criticised the ruling and has not recognised Kosovo as an independent state.

They have made no secret of being unhappy in post war Bosnia and have threatened to call a referendum on secession, encouraged by nationalist politicians in Serbia angered by the Kosovo events.

Marko Pavic, head of the Democratic People’s Alliance (DNS) which is part of the ruling coalition led by Dodik’s Alliance of Independent Social Democrats party, said the ICJ opinion could well apply to the Serb Republic.

Continued bickering between Bosnian Muslims and Croats who want a stronger and functional central state, and Serbs who are keener on autonomy and closer ties with Serbia, has stalled Bosnia’s progress towards EU and NATO membership. October, 2010 elections are expected to worsen such tensions.

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G8 Countries and the 2010 Summit

Thursday, July 29th, 2010

Abinaya Sundari

The Group of Eight (G8, and formerly the G6 or Group of Six and also the G7 or Group of Seven) is a forum, created by France in 1975, for governments of six countries in the world: France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In 1976, Canada joined the group (thus creating the G7). In becoming the G8, the group added Russia in 1997. In addition, the European Union is represented within the G8, but cannot host or chair. “G8″ can refer to the member states or to the annual summit meeting of the G8 heads of government. The former term, G6, is now frequently applied to the six most populous countries within the European Union. G8 ministers also meet throughout the year, such as the G7/8 finance ministers (who meet four times a year), G8 foreign ministers, or G8 environment ministers.

The purpose of the G8 is to have world leaders meet informally on economic and political issues facing their individual countries and the international community as a whole.

Because of the cooperation and dialogue of the world’s leaders accomplished through the G8, it has also attracted the attention of protestors. Probably the largest and most violent meeting was held in Genoa, Italy, in 2001, where an anti-capitalist protestor was shot and killed while hundreds of others were injured during a clash with police. In subsequent years the G8 has tried to open discussions with non-governmental organizations and include other developing nations.

The G8 meeting hosted by Britain in Perthshire, Scotland, was interrupted by terrorist attacks on London’s transit system on July 7, 2005. Tony Blair, the host of the meeting, left for a brief time to visit London while the other leaders remained to continue the discussion and agenda that was set. The issue of global terrorism has been on the agenda most years since 1978.

Each calendar year, the responsibility of hosting the G8 rotates through the member states in the following order: France, United States, United Kingdom, Russia, Germany, Japan, Italy, and Canada. The holder of the presidency sets the agenda, hosts the summit for that year, and determines which ministerial meetings will take place. Lately, both France and the United Kingdom have expressed a desire to expand the group to include five developing countries, referred to as the Outreach Five (O5) or the Plus Five: Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and South Africa. These countries have participated as guests in previous meetings, which are sometimes called G8+5. This was created during the 2005 Gleneagles, Scotland summit that is attended by finance and energy ministers from all eight member countries in addition to the five “outreach countries”.

With the G-20 major economies growing in stature since the 2008 Washington summit, world leaders from the group announced at their Pittsburgh summit on September 25, 2009, that the group will replace the G8 as the main economic council of wealthy nations

Structure of the G8

There is no administrative structure like those for international organizations, such as the United Nations or the World Bank. The group does not have a permanent secretariat or offices for its members.

The presidency of the group rotates annually among the member countries, with each new term beginning on 1 January of the year. The country holding the presidency is responsible for planning and hosting a series of ministerial-level meetings, leading up to a mid-year summit attended by the heads of government. The president of the European Commission participates as an equal in all summit events.

The ministerial meetings bring together ministers responsible for various portfolios to discuss issues of mutual or global concern. The range of topics includes health, law enforcement, labor, economic and social development, energy, environment, foreign affairs, justice and interior, terrorism, and trade.

In June 2005, justice ministers and interior ministers from the G8 countries agreed to launch an international database on pedophiles. The G8 officials also agreed to pool data on terrorism, subject to restrictions by privacy and security laws in individual countries.

G8 Summit 2010

The 36th G8 summit was held in Huntsville, Ontario, from June 25–26, 2010. In this year’s meeting, the G8 leaders agreed in reaffirming the group’s essential and continuing role in international affairs and “assertions of new-found relevance.”

This was the fifth G8 Summit hosted by Canada since 1976, the previous four being at Montebello, Quebec (1981); Toronto, Ontario (1988); Halifax, Nova Scotia (1995); and Alberta (2002).

The Canadian government picked Huntsville, a small town of 20,000, to host the annual summit and core meetings. Meetings took place at the Deerhurst Resort.

The late scheduling of a G20 summit in Toronto affected the G8 weekend in unanticipated ways. The meeting came to be framed in the press as a preliminary meeting. The theme for this summit was “Recovery and New Beginning,”

The G8 summit was an opportunity for a wide variety of non-governmental organizations, activists and civic groups to congregate and discuss a multitude of issues; but the dramatic demonstrations at the G20 summit in Toronto eclipsed protests primarily focused on the conferring G8 leaders.

The Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health and its members has been involved in talking to leaders from G8 countries to bring to their attention the unnecessary maternal, newborns and child deaths worldwide. In 2008, a Call to Action for MNCH was led by The Partnership. In 2009, leaders made a promise to address maternal, newborn, child and reproductive health. Through 2009 and 2010, The Partnership and its members have continued to further highlight the MNCH issues with G8 country leaders as well as the United Nations efforts and beyond.

In January, the host of the 2010 meeting, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, announced his initiative on maternal, newborn and child health (MNCH). The G8 Communique, released on 26 June 2010, outlines the details of this MNCH initiative.

July 5, 2010

The Canadian chairmanship of the G8, which met on 25th June in Huntsville, 200 miles north of Toronto, decided to put this meeting under the banner of respect to their ODA (Official Development Aid) commitments. Out of the additional $50 billion that the group of the most industrialized states on the planet had promised to provide each year before 2010 at the 2005 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland, 18 billion dollars are still missing.

The World Bank warned that a further reduction of aid may erase the progress made so far in developing countries and push more people into poverty. It stressed that the resources of poorer countries have also been undermined by the global economic crisis.

The Canadian chairmanship also wanted to discuss ways to involve major emerging economies in the governance of the planet and has therefore decided to invite Africa to the summit in Huntsville.

Seven African countries – Algeria, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria and Senegal – were invited by Canada. Canada decided to focus on two out of the eight “Millennium Goals” adopted in 2005 in order to fight against poverty in the world, including those related to maternal, newborn and child health.

The United Nations Fund for Children (UNICEF) and the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) welcomed the commitment made by leaders of the eight most powerful economies in the world to accelerate ‘improvement of maternal, newborn and child health by creating a new fund, called the Initiative Muskoka, named after the town where they attended the G8 meeting.

The UNICEF strongly supports the importance of the Muskoka initiative to strengthen health systems in order to improve the health of mothers and children. The contributions should create more than five billion dollars. The Muskoka Initiative aims to strengthen health systems, health services related to reproduction and sexuality, family planning.

There is an urgent matter: the United Nations (UN) estimates that between ten and fifteen million women are disabled due to complications during pregnancy or childbirth. Each year, more than one million children are left motherless.

The host country, also wishing to address the issue of Haiti’s reconstruction after the devastating earthquake of 12th January, invited Haiti’s representatives. Haiti, and two other southern countries, Colombia and Jamaica, attended a working session of the G8 with African representatives on Friday afternoon. The session was devoted to emerging security threats, including trafficking routes bound for developing countries via West Africa that is becoming more and more a transit area.

Following the G8, the G20 took over on 26th June 2010 at the end of the day in Toronto. The summit tackled the issue of exit strategies from the economic crisis, a source of differences between the U.S. and its European allies. Regarding emerging countries, the G20 wants to rebalance global demand and have more flexible exchange rates in some emerging countries.

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The Evil of Honour Killing in India

Wednesday, July 28th, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

Recently, there has been a spate of honour killings in the country which has led the government to decide what laws should be put in place to stop this heinous crime. Also whether the Hindu Marriage Act should be reformed or not is being debated.  What is the definition of honour killing and what leads families to commit this heinous crime so that they can protect their family honour? Is this practice prevalent only in India or is it prevalent in other parts of the world also?

An honour killing (also called a customary killing) is the murder of a (typically female) family or clan member by one or more fellow (mostly male) family members, in which the perpetrators (and potentially the wider community) believe the victim to have brought dishonour upon the family, clan, or community.

Such killings or attempted killings result from the perception that the defense of honour justifies killing a person whose behavior dishonours their own clan or family.  Honour killing is more prevalent where a member of a lower class (wrt., social status or wealth status) marries a person of relatively higher class (high social or wealth status). The United Nations Population Fund ((UNFPA)) estimates that the annual worldwide total of honour-killing victims may be as high as 5,000.

History of honour killing in India

Honour killing is different from the dowry deaths that are prevalent in India. In the case of dowry deaths, the perpetrators of that action claim that they have not been given enough material rewards for accepting the woman into the family. In that case there is a lot of harassment from the in-laws and more times than one, it has been noted that the wife commits suicide rather than being killed by the in-laws, though it has to be said that she has been mentally killed, if not physically.

This tradition was first viewed in its most horrible form during the Partition of the country in between the years 1947 and 1950 when many women were forcefully killed so that family honour could be preserved. During the Partition, there were a lot of forced marriages which were causing women from India to marry men from Pakistan and vice-versa. And then there was a search to hunt down these women who were forced to marry a person from another country and another religion and when they returned ‘home’ they were killed so that the family honour could be preserved and they were not declared social outcastes from their region. At that time, the influence of religion and social control was much greater and hence there were at least a couple of honour killings a day, if not more. The partition years can be seen to be the beginning of the tradition of honour killing on a large scale. Honour Killing is not specifically related to India only. This practice prevails in North and South America, Africa, Turkey and many other countries. But the number of incidents relating to this crime is very low and there is a very strict punishment for committing this crime in other countries.

Reasons for honour killing

The perceived dishonour is normally the result of the following behaviors, or the suspicion of such behaviors:

(a) utilizing dress codes unacceptable to the family/community,

(b) wanting to terminate or prevent an arranged marriage or desiring to marry by own choice, or

(c) engaging in certain sexual acts, including those with the opposite or same sex.

There are various reasons why people or family members decide to kill the daughter in the name of preserving their family honour. The most obvious reason for this practice to continue in India, albeit, at a much faster and almost daily basis, is because of the fact that the caste system continues to be at its rigid best and also because people from the rural areas refuse to change their attitude to marriage. According to them, if any daughter dares to disobey her parents on the issue of marriage and decides to marry a man of her wishes but from another gotra or outside her caste, it would bring disrepute to the family honour and hence they decide to give the ultimate sentence, as in death, to the daughter. Now as has become the norm, the son-in-law is killed as well.

Sociologists believe that the reason why honour killings continue to take place is because of the continued rigidity of the caste system. Hence the fear of losing their caste status through which they gain many benefits makes them commit this heinous crime. The other reason why honour killings are taking place is because the mentality of people has not changed and they just cannot accept that marriages can take place in the same gotra or outside one’s caste. The root of the cause for the increase in the number of honour killings is because the formal governance has not been able to reach the rural areas and as a result. Thus, this practice continues though it should have been removed by now.

Honour killing in India

North India

To be young and in love has proved deadly for many young girls and boys in parts of north India as an intolerant and bigoted society refuses to accept any violation of its rigid code of decorum, especially when it comes to women. The two teenage girls who were shot dead in June 2010 by a cousin in Noida for daring to run away to meet their boyfriends are the latest victims of honour killings, a euphemism for doing away with anyone seen as spoiling the family’s reputation. Many such killings are happening with regularity in Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. These are socially sanctioned by caste panchayats and carried out by mobs with the connivance of family members.

People are sometimes murdered in Northern India (mainly in the Indian States of Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana and Bihar for marrying without their family’s acceptance, in some cases for marrying outside their caste (Jat or Rajput) or religion. Among Rajputs, marriages with other caste male/female instigate the killings of the married couple and family. This is unique form of honour killing related to the militant culture of ethnic Rajputs, who, despite the forces of modernization and the pressures of decolonization, subscribe to medieval views concerning the “preservation” of perceived “purity” of their lineage.

Haryana is one of the worst hit as far as honour killing is concerned. Even as rural Haryana remains in the stranglehold of the defiant caste panchayats, honour killings continue in their most horrible form

On June 21, 2010, the family members of a girl allegedly killed her and her teenaged lover and hanged them as exhibits in their house for the village to see their “fate.” Monika (18) and her lover Rinku (19), both from Jat families, were brutally killed for honour at Nimriwali village, near Bhiwani. The father of the girl, her brother, uncle and cousins are suspected to be behind the crime and are absconding.

The case was registered for murder and wrongful confinement on the basis of a complaint by Rinku’s uncle, Krishan Kumar. Police teams have been deputed to arrest the suspects named in the case. However, circumstances clearly suggest it to be an honour killing according to inspector Prem Singh, the investigating officer. Singh avoided enquiries as to who had informed the police and who first came to know about the incident.

According to preliminary investigations, the injury marks on the bodies of Monika and Rinku suggest that they were tortured by their killers.

Sources said Monika was a dropout and Rinku, who belonged to the neighbouring Manherhu village, was living with his maternal uncle, a trader. The two had been going around for over two years despite objections from their families. According to sources, the two were caught by their relatives at Monika’s uncle’s house.

Bhagalpur in the northern Indian State of Bihar has also been notorious for honour killings. Recent cases include a 16-year-old girl, Imrana, from Bhojpur was set on fire inside her house in a case of what the police called ‘moral vigilantism’. The victim had screamed for help for about 20 minutes before neighbours arrived, only to find her still smoldering. She was admitted to a local hospital, where she later succumbed to her injuries. In another case in May 2008, Jayvirsingh Bhadodiya shot his daughter Vandana Bhadodiya and struck her in the head with an axe. In June 2010 some incidents were reported even from Delhi.

In a landmark judgment, in March 2010, the Karnal District Court ordered the execution of the five perpetrators in an honour killing case, while giving a life sentence to the khap (local caste-based council) head who ordered the killings of Manoj Banwala (23) and Babli (19), two members of the same clan who eloped and married in June 2007. Despite being given police protection on court orders, they were kidnapped; their mutilated bodies were found a week later from an irrigation canal.

The latest case of honour killing was reported in a case where a couple was murdered by the father of the girl, Vimla (20), and a guard named Robin, after they found 28 yr old Hari from Jalandhar and Vimla in a compromising position in an under-construction building.

South India

Honour killings are rare to non-existent in South India, and the western Indian States of Maharashtra and Gujarat. There have been no honour killings in West Bengal in over 100 years, thanks to the influence and activism of reformists like Vivekananda, Ramakrishna, Vidyasagar and Raja Ram Mohan Roy.

In 1990, the National Commission for Women set up a statutory body in order to address the issues of honour killings among some ethnic groups in North India. This body reviewed constitutional, legal and other provisions as well as challenges women face. The NCW’s activism has contributed significantly towards the reduction of honour killings in rural areas of North India.

According to Pakistani activists Hina Jilani and Eman M. Ahmed, Indian women are considerably better protected against honour killings by Indian Law and Government than Pakistani women, and they have suggested that governments of countries affected by honour killings use Indian law as a model in order to prevent honour killings in their respective societies.

Rural vs Urban areas

There are various misconceptions regarding the practice of honour killing. The first misconception about honour killing is that this is a practice that is limited to the rural areas. The truth is that it is spread over such a large geographical area that one cannot isolate honour killings to rural areas only, though one has to admit that majority of the killings take place in the rural areas. But it has also been seen recently that even the metropolitan cities like Delhi and Tamil Nadu are not safe from this crime because 5 honour killings were reported from Delhi and in Tamil Nadu; a daughter and son in law were killed due to marriage into the same gotra. So it can be seen clearly that honour killing is not isolated to rural areas but also to urban areas and as already pointed out, it has a very wide geographical spread. The second misconception regarding honour killing is that it has religious roots. Even if a woman commits adultery, there have to be four male witnesses with good behavior and reputation to validate the charge. Furthermore only the State can carry out judicial punishments, but never an individual vigilante. So, one can clearly see that there is no religious backing or religious roots for this heinous crime.

Nirupama Pathak’s case

At 23, Nirupama Pathak seemed to have seamlessly made the transition from her small home-town in Jharkhand to big city life.

Supported by her parents, she arrived in Delhi to study journalism at one of the capital’s premier institutes. There, she fell in love with a classmate, Priyabhanshu Ranjan.  A job at one of India’s best-known newspapers, the Business Standard, followed. On Facebook, she commented on political and personal issues. She was easy-going, unpretentious and helpful.

The roots that seemed to ground her rose quickly to strangle her. Nirupama was a Brahmin, her boyfriend a Kayastha. Where she came from, that was enough to stop everything.

In June 2010, Nirupama’s family summoned her home, insisting that her mother, Sudha, was not keeping well. On Thursday night, Nirupama was found dead in her bedroom at her Jharkhand home. Her family said she had committed suicide by hanging herself. The post-mortem clearly spelled murder by asphyxiation.

Her mother, Sudha, was arrested for her murder and sent to 14-day jail on Monday. Nirupama’s father, Dharmendra, says though the family wasn’t pleased with her relationship with Priyanshu, because he was from a different caste, he would never hurt his daughter.

The crime shows yet again how ‘honour killings’ cannot be considered the curse of rural India where panchayats often order the execution of young couples who dare to cross caste borders.  Nirupama’s father worked at a bank, her brothers were PhDs, the family had helped Nirupama to move far from home to follow her dreams.

Meanwhile, the National Commission for Women (NCW) has asked for the case to be handled by a fast-track court.

Legal action towards honour killing

The usual remedy to such murders is to suggest that society must be prevailed upon to be more gender-sensitive and shed prejudices of caste and class. Efforts should be made to sensitise people on the need to do away with social biases. But equally, it should be made clear that there is no escape for those who take justice into their own hands.

So far, there is no specific law to deal with honour killings. The murders come under the general categories of homicide or manslaughter. When a mob has carried out such attacks, it becomes difficult to pinpoint a culprit. The collection of evidence becomes tricky and eyewitnesses are never forthcoming.

Like the case of Sati and dowry where there are specific laws with maximum and minimum terms of punishment, honour killings, too, merit a second look under the law. Undoubtedly, the virus of caste and class that affects those carrying out such crimes affects the police in the area too. But that can be no excuse to sanction murder. Active policing and serious penal sanctions is the only antidote to this most dishonourable practice.

Prevention Tactics

What can we do to prevent such a thing from happening? Firstly, the mentality of the people has to change. And when one says that the mentality has to change, one means to say that parents should accept their children’s wishes regarding marriage as it is they who have to lead a life with their life partners and if they are not satisfied with their life partner then they will lead a horrible married life which might even end in suicide. Secondly, we need to have stricter laws to tackle these kinds of killings as this is a crime which cannot be pardoned because. Humans do not have the right to write down death sentences of innocent fellow humans.

4th July 2010

Participating in International Child Abduction, Relocation and Forced Marriages Conference organised by the London Metropolitan University here, Chandigarh-based legal experts Anil Malhotra and his brother Ranjit Malhotra have said that in traditional societies, honour killings are basically ‘justified’ as a sanction for ‘dishonourable’ behaviour.

They say that forced marriages and honour killings are often intertwined. Marriage can be forced to save honour, and women can be murdered for rejecting a forced marriage and marrying a partner of their own choice who is not acceptable for the family of the girl.

Though there was no nationwide data on the prevalent of honour killings in India, they quoted figures compiled by the India Democratic Women’s Association, according to which Haryana, Punjab and U P account for about 900 honour killings and another 100 to 300 in the rest of the country.
They said the ministries of home affairs and the law and justice are preparing to amend the Indian Penal Code (IPC) to define the act of “honour killing”.

The demand for such a law was made repeatedly with the objective of stamping out this social evil. They pointed out that the Supreme Court of India, concerned over the spate of recent ‘Honour Killings’ has asked the Centre and eight state governments to submit reports on the steps taken to prevent this barbaric practice.

In June 2010, scrutinizing the increasing number of honour killings, the Supreme Court of India issued notices to the Central Government and six states including Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan, to take preventive measures against the social evil.

Alarmed by the rise of honour killings, the Government is planning to bring a bill in the Monsoon Session of Parliament next month (July 2010) to provide for deterrent punishment for ‘honour’ killings

July 27 2010

New Delhi

Even as the Government contemplates laws to tackle the phenomenon of honour killings, khap panchayats remain defiant. Leaders from across North India came together in New Delhi on Monday to oppose same gotra marriages.

The meeting was a show of strength against the Government as nearly 250 khap panchayats from different parts of the country reiterated their demand to amend the Hindu Marriage Act and ensure inter-gotra marriages are made illegal.

“Government should not let brothers and sisters marry. We are all part of the same gotra which means the same blood line. We don’t advocate killing anyone. But genetic problems arise due to inter-gotra marriage,” said khap leader Shamsher Singh

The meeting took place even as the Government set up a nine-member group of Ministers to find a solution to the increasing numbers of honour killings across the country. Khap leaders say they have no role to play in the killings cases but maintain that inter-gotra marriages should not be allowed

Another khap leader Mangesh Singh says that the khaps are not involved in honour killing.

It is not the first time that such a meeting was held to oppose same gotra marriages. But with the Government not willing to give into their demands as yet, the khap panchayats say they won’t stop at this and will take their protest forward.

Khap leaders proclaim that they will block roads to register their protests if their demands are not met.

Even as the Government promises to pass a strict Law against honour killings in the monsoon session of Parliament, in 2010, protest meets will continue and who will finally win the battle remains to be seen.

Life-term for three in ‘honour’ killing case – 4.08.2010

The Supreme Court on 4.08.2010 awarded life sentence to three persons who caused the death of six persons of a family in a case of ‘honour’ killing at a village in Uttar Pradesh in 1991.

A Bench of Justices H.S. Bedi and J.M. Panchal reversed the order of acquittal passed by the Allahabad High Court after the trial court handed them the death sentence.

The Bench said: “There is no manner of doubt that killing six persons and wiping out almost the whole family on the flimsy ground of saving the honour of the family would fall within the rarest of rare cases [principle] evolved by this court and, therefore, the trial court was perfectly justified in imposing the capital punishment on the respondents. However, this court also notices that the incident had taken place about 20 years ago. Further, the High Court acquitted the respondents by a judgment dated April 12, 2002. Thereafter,  nothing adverse against any of the respondents is reported to this court. To sentence the respondents to death after their acquittal in 2002 will not be justified on the facts and in the circumstances of the case.”

The Bench imposed a fine of Rs.25,000 on each of the accused.

The incident took place on August 10/11, 1991 at Lakhanpur in Farrukhabad district. Krishna Master and two others were charged with murdering Guljari and his family members. The provocation was that a boy eloped with a girl belonging to another community.

To convict the accused, the trial court relied on the evidence of Madan Lal, who was six years old when the incident happened. However, the High Court acquitted them. The State filed an appeal in the Supreme Court.

Stand-alone Law needed to curb Honour Killings: AIDWA

The All-India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) has presented to Law Minister M. Veerappa Moily a comprehensive draft law that seeks to make private parties culpable for violation of fundamental rights in crimes and killings committed in the name of “honour.” All kinds of harassment, and curbing of choice, association, and movement would come within the ambit of this law.

Apart from defining crimes in the name of “honour,” the draft makes eulogising or glorification of these offences and killings punishable. The onus of proof is on the accused. The law seeks to protect young couples who declare their intention to marry before a government officer, and also suggests measures to stop self-proclaimed panchayats and other community bodies from issuing diktats.

Defining ‘honour’ killing, a challenge to GoM

The tricky issue of defining ‘honour’ killings and getting the States on board, as law and order is a State subject, will engage the Group of Ministers (GoM) at its preliminary meeting in New Delhi on August 6 to discuss how to end the pernicious practice.

In the draft bill under consideration, the expressions ‘dishonour’ and ‘perceived to have brought dishonour’ have been defined as “acts of any person adopting a dress code which is unacceptable to his or her family or caste or clan or community or caste panchayat,” “choosing to marry within or outside the gotra or caste or clan or community against the wishes of his or her family or caste or clan or community or caste panchayat,” and “engaging in certain sexual relations which are unacceptable to his or her family or caste or clan or community or caste panchayat.”

Any change in the law — in this case a proposed amendment to the Indian Penal Code, the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, and the Special Marriages Act, 1954 — will need to involve the States. Indeed, at the July 8, 2010 Cabinet meeting, where the decision to set up the GOM was taken, it was also decided to write to the States, as they will have to implement any new law.

It is felt that one of the suggestions made in the draft bill would be both contentious and difficult to implement: This is the proviso that “all members of a body or group of the caste or clan or community or caste panchayat, ordering the commission of an act by which death is caused, shall be deemed guilty of having committed such an act by virtue of their association with such caste panchayat or body or group of the caste or clan or community.”

While law enforcement officers say this proviso — that is holding all members of a khap panchayat guilty of murder — will be difficult to implement, it will be a political hot potato in States like Haryana, where there has been a rash of ‘honour’ killings, as many political parties and leaders there derive their strength from khap panchayats.

Indeed, at the July 8, 2010 Cabinet meeting, there were differences, with Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal, Sports Minister M.S. Gill and Surface Transport Minister Kamal Nath pointing out the difficulties in making all members of a khap panchayat accountable for one crime.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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North Korea and South Korea – The stand off and fall outs

Friday, July 23rd, 2010

Preethika

North Korea

Official name: Chosŏn Minjujuŭi In’min Konghwaguk (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea)

Form of government: Unitary single-party republic with one legislative house (Supreme People’s Assembly [687])

Head of state and government: Supreme Leader/Chairman of the National Defense Commission

Capital: P’yŏngyang

Official language: Korean

Official religion: none

Monetary unit: ( North Korean) won (W)

Population estimate (2009): 24,162,000

Total area (sq mi): 47,399

Total area (sq km): 122,762

Ethnically, the population is almost completely Korean. Language: Korean (official). Religions: Ch’ŏndogyo, traditional beliefs, Christianity, Buddhism. Foreign missionaries were expelled during World War II.

North Korea’s land area largely consists of mountain ranges and uplands; its highest peak is Mount Paektu (9,022 ft [2,750 m]). North Korea has a centrally planned economy based on heavy industry (iron and steel, machinery, chemicals, and textiles) and agriculture. Cooperative farms raise crops such as rice, corn, barley, and vegetables. The country is rich in mineral resources, including coal, iron ore, and magnesite.

It is a republic with one legislature; the head of state and government is the supreme leader and chairman of the National Defense Commission. After the Japanese were defeated in World War II, the Soviet Union occupied Korea north of latitude 38° N; there the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was established as a communist state in 1948. Seeking to unify the peninsula by force, it launched an invasion of South Korea in 1950, initiating the Korean War. UN troops intervened on the side of South Korea, and Chinese soldiers reinforced the North Korean army in the war, which ended with an armistice in 1953. Led by Kim Il-sung, North Korea became one of the most harshly regimented societies in the world, with a state-owned economy that failed to produce adequate supplies of food and consumer goods for its citizens. Under his son and successor, Kim Jong II, the country endured periods of severe food shortages from the late 1990s that caused widespread famine. Hopes that North Korea was seeking to end its long isolation—notably through meetings between Kim and the leaders of South Korea (2000) and Japan (2002)—have been tempered by concerns over its nuclear weapons program.

South Korea

Official name: Taehan Min’guk (Republic of Korea)

Form of government: Unitary multiparty republic with one legislative house (National Assembly [299]) Head of state and government: President assisted by Prime Minister

Capital: Seoul

Official language: Korean

Official religion: none

Monetary unit: (South Korean) won (W)

Population estimate (2009):  48,333,000

Total area: (sq mi) 38,486 Total area (sq km) 99,678

South Korea is west of Japan and includes Cheju Island, located about 60 mi (97 km) south of the peninsula. The population is almost entirely ethnically Korean. Most of South Korea’s land area consists of mountains and uplands; its highest peak is Mount Halla (6,398 ft [1,950 m]) on Cheju Island. The densely populated lowlands are heavily cultivated for wet rice. The Naktong, Kŭm, and Han are the principal rivers. The economy is based largely on services, manufacturing (including petrochemicals, electronic goods, and steel), and high-technology industries.

South Korea is a republic with one legislative house; its head of state and government is the president, assisted by the prime minister. The Republic of Korea was established in 1948 in the portion of the Korean peninsula south of latitude 38° N, which had been occupied by the U.S. after World War II. In 1950 North Korean troops invaded South Korea, precipitating the Korean War. UN forces intervened on the side of South Korea, while Chinese troops backed North Korea; the war ended with an armistice in 1953. The devastated country was rebuilt with U.S. aid, and South Korea prospered in the postwar era, transforming itself from an agrarian economy to one that was industrial and highly export-oriented. It experienced an economic downturn beginning in the mid-1990s that affected many countries in the area.

Efforts at reconciliation between North and South Korea, including the first-ever summit between their leaders (2000) and reunions of families from both countries, were accompanied by periods of continuing tension.

The Recent Conflict

North Korea (officially the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea or DPRK) has been accused by South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea or ROK) of initiating a torpedo attack that sank the South Korean Cheonan corvette navy warship on March 26, 2010. Forty-six sailors lost their lives in the maritime disaster near the Northern Limit Line (NLL), a disputed maritime demarcation line in the Yellow Sea between North Korea and South Korean. North Korea has denied these allegations.

South Korea’s Response to the Yellow Sea Incident

South Korean President Lee Myung Bak on March 23, 2010 stated that henceforth, the Republic of Korea would not tolerate any provocative act by the North and will maintain a principle of proactive deterrence. He also proclaimed that if their territorial waters, air space or territory are militarily violated, they would immediately exercise their right of self-defense.

Following the Cheonan warship incident, South Korea soon began blasting radio and loudspeaker broadcasts across the North Korean border. It also reduced trade with North Korea and began denying North Korean cargo ships permission to pass through South Korean waters.

North Korea’s Response to the Yellow Sea Incident

On May 25 2010, North Korean officials stated that it would end diplomatic relations with South Korea over accusations of the Cheonan warship sinking.

The North Korea government has released a statement that it would sever ties with South Korea until 2013, when the South Korea President Lee Myung Bak leaves office. Severed diplomatic relations have escalated to the point where ships and airliners from South Korea are also not allowed in North Korea territory.

According to the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), North Korea also plans to expel South Korea government officials working in the northern town of Kaesong at a joint industrial park that contains archaeological findings of human inhabitants on the peninsula durng the Neolithic-era.

The industrial estate, in which South Korean firms employ cheap North Korean labor, is an important source of revenue for the Pyongyang leadership.

North Korea earlier said if the South continued to cross into its side of the disputed sea border — the scene of deadly clashes in the past — the North would “put into force practical military measures to defend its waters.” The North referred to the South’s government as “military gangsters, seized by fever for a war”.

Korean War or Roots of the North Korea and South Korea Tensions

Long known as the forgotten war, sandwiched between the definitive victory of World War II and the trauma of Vietnam, the Korean conflict was honored with its own memorial on the National Mall in 1995.

The sinking of the Cheonan warship is one of South Korea’s worst military disasters since the end of the Korean War. The Korean War started on June 25, 1950 and ended with an armistice on July 27, 1953. Sometimes referred to as the “The Forgotten War” in the U.S., it began when a political division arose in Korea at the end of the Pacific War (also called the Asia-Pacific War), which refers to those parts of World War II that occurred in the Pacific Ocean.

Prior to the end of World War II, the whole of the Korean peninsula was ruled by Japan since 1905. When the Japanese surrendered rule of the peninsula in 1945, the U.S. government divided it at the 38th Parallel. Soviet Union troops occupied the northern 38th and U.S. troops occupied the southern 38th. In 1948, the North established a Communist government which further politicized the border between the two Koreas.

Where South Korea meets North Korea there exists a securely guarded border. On June 25, 1950, North Korea invaded South Korea. It was one of the earliest armed conflicts of the Cold War. The United Nations and the U.S. aided South Korea. China and the Soviets aided North Korea. The Korean War ended with an armistice once the threat of a U.S.-Soviet nuclear war escalated. As recent as 1999 and 2002, however, there have been military encounters between the Koreas. According to an AP report, the U.S. still has 28,500 troops in South Korea.

International Relations Effort in the Koreas

Recently, a team of international investigators issued a fact-finding report that concluded that the Cheonan warship was torpedoed by a North Korean submarine. A North Korea official stated through the KCNA that the investigation was “unilateral and not objective.” News agencies report that U.S. President Barack Obama supports South Korea’s stated intent to address the issue before the United Nations Security Council.

The U.N. has backed sanctions against North Korea on prior nuclear and missile tests. On May 24, 2010, the U.N. Secretary-General Bank Ki-moon stated that he expects the U.N. Security Council to take action against North Korea. China has urged peace and stability on the Korean peninsula since the start of the warship conflict.

Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced that Canada has imposed sanctions on North Korea for the incident. Canada’s Prime Minister Harper stated that Canada has condemned the reckless North Korean regime for this egregious violation of international law and its blatant disregard of its international obligations.

It is notable that both North Korea and South Korea have separate unification movements. In North Korea there is the Committee for Peaceful Reunification. In South Korea there is a Unification Ministry.

July 22nd 2010

Robert Gates, U.S. secretary of defense states that it is stunning how little had changed in the North, while South Korea has continued to grow and prosper.

Tensions have increased in recent months. The U.S. and South Korea will soon begin joint military exercises. And, in Seoul, the two Americans held security talks with their South Korean counterparts and announced new sanctions against the North, which the U.S. says is pressing ahead with its nuclear weapons program.

U.S. secretary of state Hilary Clinton says that these measures are not directed at the people of North Korea, who, she says have suffered too long due to the misguided and maligned priorities of their government. They are directed at the destabilizing, illicit, and provocative policies pursued by that government.

The U.N. Security Council voted to defend the South with a multinational force. And President Harry Truman, without asking Congress to declare war, committed U.S. soldiers to what is called a police action. Poorly trained and equipped American troops rushed to the peninsula from occupation duty in Japan, where they were first quickly pushed deep into the South by the North Koreans. Months later, the tide turned with an amphibious landing at Inchon, and the 15-nation U.N. force led by American General Douglas MacArthur routed the Northern armies almost to the Yalu River. That, in turn, drew in massive armies of Communist Chinese, who sent the allied forces into a hasty winter retreat. General MacArthur called for carrying the fight into China, but was overruled and fired for insubordination by President Truman, in one of the great tests in American history of civilian control of the military.

The war then settled into a stalemate along the 38th Parallel and ended in an armistice on July 27, 1953, but never in a formal peace treaty. For years, the official American combat death toll was set at some 56,000. But, in 2000, the military revised the actual combat toll to 37,000. Hundreds of thousands of South and North Koreans, as well as Chinese troops, died in the conflict.

In a meeting held in June 2010 diplomats said the March 26 sinking of the warship Cheonan that killed 46 South Korean sailors featured prominently at a meeting in Hanoi of Southeast Asian foreign ministers and their counterparts from China, South Korea and Japan on Wednesday.

South Korea blames the torpedoing of the ship on the communist North, which accuses Seoul of fabricating the incident.

Seoul and Washington have said the North must admit responsibility for the sinking before they would return to six-way talks on North Korea’s nuclear programme.

A Thai foreign ministry spokesman said ASEAN decided to adopt the stance of the United Nations, which condemned the sinking but in deference to China did not cite North Korea by name.

China, the closest North Korea has to an ally, has avoided taking a firm stand on who was responsible for destroying the Cheonan, which an international panel has blamed on a North Korean torpedo fired from a mini-submarine.

Russia seeks restraint

Russia, which like China and the United States holds a veto in the Security Council, urged restraint. China, the North’s only major ally and which effectively bankrolls its economy, has studiously tried to keep out of the fray, urging calm and refusing to voice support for the international report on the Cheonan sinking.

Furious Rhetoric

Both sides have stepped up their rhetoric over the Cheonan incident, one of their deadliest since the 1950-53 Korean War.

The North accused South Korea’s government of fabricating the issue, partly to help the ruling party in next week’s local elections — important to cement President Lee’s power in the second half of his single five-year term.

Analysts say the main risk is that small skirmishes along the heavily armed border could turn into broader conflict.

The U.S.-led military command monitoring the cease-fire on the Korean peninsula confronted North Korea on 23.07.2010 about the deadly sinking of a South Korean warship, calling it a violation of the 1953 armistice.

Colonels from the U.N. Command, who met at the border with counterparts from Pyongyang’s Korean People’s Army, reminded North Korea of the U.N. Security Council order to honour the truce. Officers also proposed a joint task force to discuss the “armistice violations,” the military commission said in a statement.

The 100-minute talks, which took place at the “truce village” of Panmunjom inside the Demilitarized Zone dividing the two Koreas, were the second round of talks since the Cheonan went down off the Koreas’ west coast on March 26, 2010 killing 46 South Korean sailors.

North Korea also rejected South Korean demands to apologise for the sinking of the Cheonan.

Sanctions

Following are the major international sanctions in force against North Korea for its nuclear and ballistic missile activities and suspected human rights violations.

UN Security Council Resolution 1874

The resolution of June 2009 allows inspection of all cargo to and from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK, along with vessels containing suspicious cargo. The resolution bans provision of fuel or supplies, or services for North Korean vessels suspected to be carrying banned items. Suspicious vessels are subject to inspection at sea. Eight North Korean organisations including its General Bureau of Atomic Energy, which oversees its main nuclear complex and trading firms, are blacklisted by a UN sanctions committee under resolution 1874. The blacklist includes five North Korean individuals believed to be involved in nuclear or missile production.

UN Security Council Resolution 1718

This resolution of October 2006 imposes arms and financial sanctions on North Korea in response to its first nuclear test three months after firing its longest range Taepodong-2 ballistic missile. The sanction also bans the sale of luxury goods to the North.

UN Security Council Resolution 1695

This resolution of July 2006, also after the launch of Taepodong-2, bans trading of material, technology and financial resources that could be used in any programme of weapons of mass destruction in North Korea.

US  Sanctions

The US treasury department rules ban transactions by US firms with North Korean banks and trading firms for their role in arms dealing and weapons proliferation, including Amroggang Development Bank, Tanchon Commercial Bank, Korea Hyoksin Trading Corp and Ryonbong General Corp.

Imports of goods made in North Korea require prior approval. Provisions of the US Patriot Act and the code on money laundering have been applied to North Korea.

In 2003 President George Bush launched the “proliferation security initiative”, an informal multilateral grouping that aims to stop trafficking of weapons of mass destruction.

Bush removed North Korea from the list of countries alleged to be state sponsors of terrorism and from the US Trading with the Enemies Act in October 2008 as an inducement to keep Pyongyang engaged in nuclear diplomacy. In February, Barack Obama decided not to reinstate North Korea to that list, which would deny Pyongyang access to loans and other funds from international financial organisations. Some US lawmakers say North Korea’s nuclear co-operation with Syria, which is on the list, and suspected arms exports to Hezbollah and Hamas are sufficient grounds to reinstate Pyongyang.

On 21.07.2010, Clinton unveiled new sanctions designed to deny luxury goods to North Korean elites and strangle funding for Pyongyang’s nuclear programme. The north says it will not return to nuclear negotiations unless the sanctions are lifted.

The U.S. plan to impose new financial sanctions on North Korea will focus on cracking down on its overseas arms sales and the supply of luxury goods to its leadership, according to South Korean intelligence sources, on 23.07.2010.

Washington is reportedly taking steps to freeze Pyongyang’s secret overseas bank accounts used to deposit money from arms transactions, counterfeiting, money laundering and drug trafficking.

The United States has identified about 200 bank accounts with links to North Korea and is expected to freeze some 100 of those suspected of being used for weapons exports and other illicit purposes banned under U.N. resolutions, Yonhap News reported 23.07.2010.

Japanese Sanctions

These were renewed in April, 2010 for a year and ban imports of North Korean goods, as well as all exports to the country, and prohibit port calls by North Korean vessels. Japan, in principle, bans North Korean nationals entering the country, though this does not apply to re-entry by North Korean residents of Japan. Cash sums of more than 300,000 yen carried to North Korea must be reported to authorities, while remittances of over 10m yen must be declared.

North Korea threatens ‘physical response’ to US military exercises

North Korea on 23.07.2010 threatened a “physical response” to planned military exercises by the US and South Korea in the weekend, as tensions on the Korean peninsula dominated a regional security forum in Hanoi.

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Pico satellite, named Studsat built by Students is a welcome success

Thursday, July 22nd, 2010

Thirty-five undergraduate students from seven engineering colleges, four in Bangalore and three in Hyderabad, have done something that would have been unthinkable even a few years ago. One of the five satellites carried by the PSLV-C15 launched on July 12, 2010 is a pico satellite, named ‘Studsat,’ which weighs less than 1.5 kg.

A picosat is a miniaturised artificial satellite. This is the first time in India that a picosat with an imaging camera has been designed, fabricated, and built by students, under the guidance of scientists from the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).

The students were also involved in testing the adequacy of the clean room and ground station built for fabricating Studsat, and in receiving data and commanding the satellite. The clean room and ground station were established at one of the seven institutes involved in the project. The camera has a low resolution of 90 metres. The panchromatic images will provide terrain information during the satellite’s short lifespan of six months to one year. The idea behind this exercise was to provide students an opportunity to understand the mission aspects and gain hands-on experience in building a working satellite.

Satellite launches by ISRO have always attracted public attention. But it was the Chandrayaan-1 launch in October 2008 that fired the imagination of students. The outcome was an impressive increase in the number of young men and women showing interest in space research. What is more, the trend has been sustained.

Studsat, a student initiative backed by some of India’s finest higher educational institutions, is an inspiring first — and there is more to come. Two nano satellites (in the less-than-15-kg category) are being built by IIT Kanpur and IIT Mumbai, and two by Chennai-based universities. All four satellites will be launched before mid-2011. If this progressive trend is student-driven, ISRO has played an exemplary role in mentoring and nurturing it. The decision to sacrifice precious payload to accommodate the demonstration satellites shows that ISRO is playing for the future. With the educational institutions required to build their own clean room and ground station, the agency has ensured that they have a long-term commitment to promote space research.

At a time when many developed countries are finding it difficult to promote science, ISRO’s novel way of attracting talent stands out. With Chandrayaan-2 and human space flight in prospect, it is clear that rising India’s space future is very bright.

Courtesy: the Hindu dt 22.07.2010

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Cloning – the Pros and Cons and the stage in India

Saturday, July 17th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

When Dolly, the first cloned sheep became news, cloning interested the masses. Not only did researchers delve deeper into the subject but even the common people sought great interest in knowing all about how cloning had been done. There was a sudden curiosity that rose in society about how cloning could benefit the common man. People were eager to know all about cloning and questions prevail till date.  Ever since cloning became a possibility, its pros and cons have been fervently debated over on moral, ethical and technical grounds.

Cloning in biology is the process of similar producing populations of genetically identical individuals that occurs in nature when organisms such as bacteria, insects or plants reproduce asexually. Cloning in biotechnology refers to processes used to create copies of DNA fragments (molecular cloning), cells (cell cloning), or organisms. The term also refers to the production of multiple copies of a product such as digital media or software. The term clone is derived from the Greek word for “trunk, branch”, referring to the process whereby a new plant can be created from a twig.

Pros of Cloning

If the vital organs of the human body can be cloned, they can serve as backup systems for human beings. Cloning body parts can serve as a lifesaver. When a body organ such as a kidney or heart fails to function, it may be possible to replace it with the cloned body organ.

Cloning could help reproduce plants that are more disease-resistant. Reproducing superior plants, especially those with nutritional superiority, could help address world hunger issues. Cloned plants also are more predictable, which could help save millions of dollars in farming costs, and plants near extinction could be saved through the right cloning programs.

Cloning in human beings can prove to be a solution to infertility. Cloning has the potential of serving as an option for producing children. Cloning may make it possible to reproduce a certain trait in human beings. We will be able to produce people with certain qualities, human beings with particular desirable traits, thus making human beings a man-made being.

Cloning technologies can prove helpful for the researchers in genetics. They might be able to understand the composition of genes and the effects of genetic constituents on human traits, in a better manner. They will be able to alter genetic constituents in cloned human beings, thus simplifying their analysis of genes. Cloning may also help us combat a wide range of genetic diseases.
Cloning can make it possible for us to obtain customized organisms and harness them for health benefits of society. Cloning can serve as the best means to replicate animals that can be used for research purposes.

Cloning can enable the genetic alteration of plants and animals. If positive changes can be brought about in living beings with the help of cloning, it will indeed be a boon to mankind.

Cons of Cloning

Cloning created identical genes. It is a process of replicating a genetic constitution, thus hampering the diversity in genes. While lessening the diversity in genes, we weaken our ability of adaptation. Cloning is also detrimental to the beauty that lies in diversity.

While cloning allows man to tamper with genetics in human beings, it also makes deliberate reproduction of undesirable traits, a probability. Cloning of body organs might invite malpractices in society.

In cloning human organs and using them for transplant, or in cloning human beings themselves, technical and economic barriers will have to be considered. Will cloned organs be cost-effective? Will cloning techniques really reach the common man?

Moreover, cloning will put human and animal rights at stake. Will cloning fit into our ethical and moral principles? Cloning will leave man just another man-made being. Won’t it devalue mankind? Won’t it undermine the value of human life?

Cloning in India

Feb 13 2009

In a landmark achievement for India, the scientists at Karnal-based India’s National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI) successfully cloned the world’s first ever buffalo calf. The scientists at NDRI are said to have used a technique superior than that used in cloning the famous sheep- Dolly. The buffalo calf was born on Feb 6 2009 at NDRI campus. However, this jubilation was cut short, as the buffalo calf died five days later due to pneumonia. It is said that the infection was caused due to complications at the time of delivery and the cloning technique in itself was not faulty.

The cloning of the buffalo calf at NDRI was conducted under the expertise of a team of six scientists, SK Singla, RS Manik, MS Chauhan, P Palta, RA Shah, and A George.  Though the unnamed calf died just after five days, the scientists involved in the cloning are hopeful that the new technique implied in the process would lead to a new era in animal science for faster multiplication of superior germplasm. This breakthrough is expected to solve scarcity of milk production in the coming times.

Another advantage of this technique lies in the fact that it is less demanding in terms of equipment, time and skill. At the same time, this would enable to produce calves of desired sex. As India boasts of world’s best quality buffaloes, the new enhanced technique used by the Indian Scientists may make it possible to clone and multiply a number of calves from a single embryo taken from a buffalo of highest quality.

June 2009

Following the death of their first cloned buffalo, the scientists in the Indian state of Haryana cloned a buffalo using foetal tissue. The female calf named Garima weighed 43 kilograms (95 pounds) and was born at the National Dairy Research Institute in the city of Karnal in northern India. Scientists cloned Garima using tissue from a foetus as part of a “hand-guided cloning technique” which allows the sex of the calf to be chosen. Scientists said India has the largest population of buffaloes in the world and that cloning would increase the percentage of elite animals in the species.

July 2009

Srinagar

The world’s first cloned camel produced in the desert of Dubai made news in April this year.

Dr Nisar Ahmad Wani, a senior reproductive biologist at Dubai’s Camel Reproduction Centre who had worked as assistant professor in Sher-i-Kashmir University of Agricultural Technology, toiled for six long years to achieve this.

Injaz or achievement in Arabic, a humped female camel, is the 12th domestic species to be cloned. She was produced by injecting the cells harvested from the female camel ovary into a camel oocyte (female germ cell or reproductive cell) whose nucleus had been removed. The two were then subjected to a split-second electrical impulse and chemically activated to induce them to start dividing like a normal fertilised egg. The resulting embryo was cultured for seven days in laboratory before it was re-implanted into a surrogate camel.

March 22 2010

Despite their success with the “cloned water buffalo”, animal scientists at National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI), Karnal, are not enthused about “cloning the endangered species of tigers” to save them from becoming extinct.

Cloning experiments and their success have kindled a hope that endangered and extinct species can be revived and tiger conservationists are looking forward to some breakthrough in tiger cloning.

While the companies in the USA are working on isolating the best breeds of cattle and poultry for cloning to enable the farmers raise the quality of their livestock, scientists at NDRI assert that each species of animal has different characteristics and one cloning method cannot be said to suit all.

However, the pertinent question defying an unambiguous answer is that whether “cloning” could come to the rescue of Bengal tigers. A team of scientists headed by SK Singla associated with cloning of buffalo by hand-guided method warns that it is more likely possible with large mammals whose fertility characteristics are known.

Further, any tiger-cloning project would entail enormous logistics to locate sufficient donor eggs and parent cells and there was also an element of the “unknown” if the captive-bred tigers would survive when released into the wild.

Tiger conservationists also point out that the gene pool of wild tigers was already tiny and cloning them will not diversify the gene pool and the best course is to preserve the tiger’s habitat and hope the population recovers naturally.

Some characteristics of cloning animals are given below:

  • Cloning is more likely possible with large mammals whose fertility characteristics are known
  • There is a problem of harvesting eggs as tigers produce only a few eggs at a time
  • The project will entail enormous logistics to locate sufficient donor eggs and parent cells

10/6/2010

In Chandigarh this year 2010, it is said that two more water buffalo clones will be borne by the end of this year.

Human cloning

Human cloning is the creation of a genetically identical copy of an existing or previously existing human. The term is generally used to refer to artificial human cloning; human clones in the form of identical twins are commonplace, with their cloning occurring during the natural process of reproduction. There are two commonly discussed types of human cloning: therapeutic cloning and reproductive cloning. Therapeutic cloning involves cloning adult cells for use in medicine and is an active area of research. Reproductive cloning would involve making cloned humans. A third type of cloning called replacement cloning is a theoretical possibility, and would be a combination of therapeutic and reproductive cloning. Replacement cloning would entail the replacement of an extensively damaged, failed, or failing body through cloning followed by whole or partial brain transplant.

The various forms of human cloning are controversial. There have been numerous demands for all progress in the human cloning field to be halted. Most scientific, governmental and religious organizations oppose reproductive cloning. The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) and other scientific organizations have made public statements suggesting that human reproductive cloning be banned until safety issues are resolved. Serious ethical concerns have been raised by the future possibility of harvesting organs from clones. Some people have considered the idea of growing organs separately from a human organism – in doing this, a new organ supply could be established without the moral implications of harvesting them from humans. Research is also being done on the idea of growing organs that are biologically acceptable to the human body inside of other organisms, such as pigs or cows, then transplanting them to humans, a form of xenotransplantation.

The first human hybrid human clone was created in November 1998, by American Cell Technologies. It was created from a man’s leg cell, and a cow’s egg whose DNA was removed. It was destroyed after 12 days. Since a normal embryo implants at 14 days, Dr Robert Lanza, ACT’s director of tissue engineering, told the Daily Mail newspaper that the embryo could not be seen as a person before 14 days. While making an embryo, which may have resulted in a complete human had it been allowed to come to term, according to ACT: “[ACT's] aim was ‘therapeutic cloning’ not ‘reproductive cloning’”

On January, 2008, Wood and Andrew French, Stemagen’s chief scientific officer in California, announced that they successfully created the first 5 mature human embryos using DNA from adult skin cells, aiming to provide a source of viable embryonic stem cells. Dr. Samuel Wood and a colleague donated skin cells, and DNA from those cells was transferred to human eggs. It is not clear if the embryos produced would have been capable of further development, but Dr. Wood stated that if that were possible, using the technology for reproductive cloning would be both unethical and illegal. The 5 cloned embryos, created in Stemagen Corporation lab, in La 0Jolla, were destroyed.

Cloning in Chennai, Tamil Nadu

Making steady progress in stem cell research and its clinical applications, Tamil Nadu Veterinary and Animal Sciences University (TANUVAS) is in a position to venture into the realm of cloning.

Talking to reporters on the sidelines of an international seminar on ‘Frontiers of stem cell and biotechnology in human and veterinary medicine,’ TANUVAS Vice-Chancellor P. Thangaraju said the varsity was conducting trials in embryo transfer in cattle and culturing of stem cells collected from ovaries for treatment of spinal cord, joints, nerves and tendons in animals.

After successfully using autologous (patient derived) stem cell therapy for the management of a paraplegic dog’s spinal cord injury, the varsity plans to set up an umbilical cord cell bank for animals, especially dogs and horses. Stem cell therapy could come in handy in treating the injured tendons of race horses, which could cost Rs 4 to 5 lakh each. Virginia Tech, a partner institution, was also working on stem cell therapy for tendon injuries, he said.

On cloning, Mr. Thangaraju said, “We have standardised techniques for cloning rabbits. Now, we are working on larger animals.” Unwilling to set a deadline, he said: “I am not in a position to say whether it (cloning) is in its initial or final stage. There are impediments.”

Meanwhile, TANUVAS sources said the varsity has not taken up cloning till now as it involved ethical issues and needed the approval of animal ethics and genetic engineering committees. At present, TANUVAS was focussing on embryo transfer and stem cell therapy which have greater application in clinical applications, the sources said.
Another buffalo calf cloned – 23.08.2010
A cloned buffalo calf was born at the Karnal-based National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI) on 22.08.2010, where two calves were cloned a year ago, the Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR) announced here on 23.08.2010.

The buffalo calf, named Garima-II, was born through the new and advanced ‘hand-guided cloning technique’. It weighs 32 kg and is apparently normal and healthy. “This cloned buffalo calf is different from the earlier clone calf because, in this case, the used donor cell was an embryonic cell,” said NDRI Director A.K. Srivastava in a press statement.

Faster multiplication
According to him, the technology could go a long way in facilitating faster multiplication of superior milch buffaloes in the country. “There is an acute shortage of good bulls in the country. The technology of cloning will decrease the gap between supply and demand by breeding the bulls in the shortest possible time,” he said.

Dr. Srivastava said that although the world’s largest population of buffaloes was in India, and it contributed about 55 per cent to the total milk production in the country, the percentage of elite buffaloes was low.

Dr. Srivastava and his team of scientists, including M.S. Chauhan, S.K. Singla, R.S. Manik, Shiv Prasad and Aman George, feel that embryonic stem cells have a better cloning ability as compared to somatic cells (used in earlier cloning) that are lineage committed.

The world’s first buffalo calf through the ‘hand-guided cloning technique’ developed by the NDRI was born on February 6, 2010 but it could not survive beyond five days. The second cloned calf, Garima-I, was born on June 6, 2009. It survived and is reportedly healthy.
The new calf was developed from embryos that were cultured and grown in a laboratory and then transferred to recipient buffalo. It was born in a Caesarean operation carried out by a team of doctors from the NDRI and Chaudhary Charan Singh Agricultural University, Hisar.

New era
Congratulating the team, ICAR Director-General S. Ayyappan said the new technology of hand-guided cloning of buffaloes may lead to a “new era in faster multiplication of elite germplasm to face the challenges of increasing demands of milk in view of the ever-growing human population”.

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Brahmaputra River – Dispute between India and China

Saturday, July 17th, 2010

Preethy Vignesh

The search for water resources in China and India has persistently been a source of tension between the two countries. Chinese efforts to divert the water resources of the Brahmaputra River away from India will worsen a situation that has remained tense since the 1962 Indo-China war. The melting glaciers in the Himalayas as a result of accelerating global climate change will have a dramatic effect on this river’s water supply. This will increase water scarcity as well as the likelihood of floods, impact agrarian livelihoods and strain the fragile equilibrium between the two Asian giants.

Regional Summary

The Brahmaputra River flows 2,900 km from its source in the Kailas range of the Himalayas to its massive delta and the Bay of Bengal in Bangladesh. It flows through China, India, and Bangladesh, but its watershed includes Nepal, Bhutan, and Burma as well. The river drops steeply from the heights of the Tibetan Plateau through the world’s deepest valley (5,075m) into northeast India where the river eventually merges with the Ganges and Meghna rivers to form the largest river delta in the world (60,000km2).The Brahmaputra basin covers 651,334 km2 (WRI), 58% of which lies in India and 20% in China.

The river is defined by the diversity of terrain through which it flows, subject to regular earthquakes, natural disasters, and other changing conditions. 29% of the basin is actively used as cropland, almost half of which is irrigated. Only 3% of the basin is developed as urban land and 2% is considered barren. 19% is covered by forest, 16% by shrub, 29% by grassland, 21% by wetland, and 11% is considered eroded land.

History of Tense Diplomatic Relations between India and China

In 2000, India accused China of not sharing hydrological data on the flow of the Brahmaputra River through the Chinese territory resulting in widespread devastation and floods. At least 40 people died. A Memorandum of Understanding was signed in 2002 to coordinate data sharing pertaining to water level, discharge and rainfall. The data provided by China has helped in flood-forecasting and given the Indian Water Ministry a better understanding of the river system. Any plan to divert the Brahmaputra will have to be made known to the Indian Water Ministry beforehand in accordance with the Memorandum of Understanding.

The Indian concerns over plans to divert the Brahmaputra were not unwarranted. The two components of the diversion scheme would include the construction of the world’s largest hydroelectric plant on the Great Bend of the river on the Tibetan plateau; the second is the diversion of the waters northwards across hundreds of kilometers to China’s northwestern provinces.

In early 2003, scientists from the China Water Conservancy and Hydropower Planning and Designing Institute organized a feasibility study for a major hydropower project along the section of the Brahmaputra River which flows through China. This section of the river, which later flows into India and Bangladesh, has a water energy reserve of about 68 million kilowatt, or 1/10th of the national total.

If successful, this project would divert 200 billion cubic meters of water annually to the Yellow River. Although highly beneficial for Chinese interests, the effects on India and Bangladesh will be devastating. Environmental experts report that roughly 60% of the total water flow will fall drastically if China is successful in constructing this dam on the Brahmaputra.

China’s effort to redirect the flow of a river which provides the base for agrarian life in its neighboring countries is a provocative move, indeed. Some have gone so far to say that this action qualifies as an act of war. In fact, this is another grand effort on behalf of the Chinese government to fulfill its goal of instituting a massive South-North water diversion project.

In 2006, the Chinese government denied the existence of plans to divert water resources from the Brahmaputra to provide fresh water for the Northwest provinces away from India and Bangladesh. Although top water officials denied this motivation, it has been a fear of the Indian government and has yet to be fully resolved.

China’s South-North Water Diversion Project

The incredible growth rate of China’s population (predicted to reach 1.6 billion in 2045) and the rapid urbanization of major sectors of its populace will exacerbate one of the country’s greatest concerns, the availability of water to meet the needs of its people. Current numbers estimate that China has only 8% of the world’s fresh water to meet the needs of 22% of the world’s people. To further compound this problem, the country’s water resources are not equally distributed. Southern China, with roughly 700 million people, has 4/5th of its water and northern China, with 550 million people, has 1/5th of the water.

The scheme to divert the waters from the South to the North was crafted based on this understanding of water distribution. As evidenced in the following map, there are three critical segments: the eastern, central and western routes.

Due to the proximity to the Indian border, the scale and impact of this water diversion scheme will have dangerous consequences for millions of people downstream. The foremost concern is the decreased water flow which will impact irrigation practices and local livelihoods. The environmental impact will result in an increased salinity of the water.

Impact of Climate Change on the Brahmaputra River Conflict

As tensions grow between China and India over river diversion projects and accessibility to fresh water resources, the likely impacts of climate change on this conflict over natural resources will amplify the current state of affairs.

Primary concern needs to be placed on the possible changes in magnitude, extent and depth of floods from the Brahmaputra River in India and Bangladesh.

The gradual melting of Himalayan glaciers as a result of climate change will impact the amount of water in the Brahmaputra. As the ice disappears, so will significant fractions of south Asia’s water supply. As the Brahmaputra River dries up, along with other rivers critical to the survival of India, gross per capita water availability will decline by 1/3rd by 2050. The feedback loops that result from massive declines in water availability are directly correlated with human health and may result in a rise in water-borne diseases such as cholera.

Potential Solutions

Rather than covertly acting to divert water resources from one country to another, the protection of the shared resource of water supply might be a focal point of cooperation rather than conflict. China and India could work together to protect surrounding communities from increased flood hazard due to climate change by strengthening flood management policies and adaptation measures.

Conflict over the Brahmaputra River will be high at both the intrastate and interstate levels. The main reason for high intrastate conflict will be over availability to water between villages and communities, which may lead to hording and violence. This is less likely than the most definite interstate conflict which will take place between India and China as the two will have various reasons to take arms against one another – climate change may cause draughts throughout the western provinces of China, it will also melt the glaciers that feed the Brahmaputra River, gradually decreasing the total water supply. Decisions to route the direction of the River toward one country over another will be cause enough for high levels of conflict and will be further compounded by the impact of climate change.

Politics and Culture

The river’s three names, the Brahmaputra (India), Yarlung Zangbo (Tibet), and Jamuna (Bangladesh), reflect the complicated fabric of ethnic groups and International Communities living along its banks. The Brahmaputra flows through some of the most heavily disputed and unstable areas in South Asia. China and India currently dispute 83,000 km within the basin. Much of the boundary between the two countries is based on administrative units that do not shift with the rivers as they change course or level over time. Alluvial or “char” land that is exposed as a river shifts often leads to dispute, as the land is highly valued for agriculture (CIA World Fact-book, 1998; IBRU, 1999).

In northeast India, more than 6 separatist and rebel groups are active.  Recent riots contributed to the deaths of hundreds of Burmese and other immigrants and led to demonstrations. The northeast is one of the poorest regions in India. Currently population density, on average, is 174 people per square mile, but this population is concentrated in 14 large cities in the region. Urban areas are growing at 5% a year (WRI). The Brahmaputra basin has seen a surge in millions of people immigrating to the area from Bangladesh and West Bengal. Increasing densities have led to competition for jobs and land. In 1999, 500 people died from ethnic violence in Northeast India (US Commission on Refugees). In the mid 1960s the Indian government relocated 3,000 ethnic Chakmas to Arunachal Pradesh from what is now Bangladesh after construction of a large dam. The influx has caused conflict in this state.

In the ancient Indian tradition, two rivers are known to originate from Manasarovar Lake, in Mt. Kailas; one flowing to the east is called Brahmaputra and the other flowing to the west was called Shatadru, a tributary of the Sarasvati (joining the latter at Shatrana, Punjab) in Rigvedic times. Both these major rivers, Brahmaputra and Sarasvati are related to the God of creation, Brahma. The lower portion of the river is sacred to Hindus.

Hydropower and Infrastructure Development

In 1980, the Indian government established the Brahmaputra Board as a statutory body under the Ministry of Water Resources to plan for and implement projects to harness the river for hydropower, flood control, and economic development. The Board has identified 34 “Drainage Development schemes” that include hydropower dams, embankment reinforcement, and other multipurpose projects. These projects are included in the Board”s Master Plan, approved by the Indian government in 1997.Currently there are no large dams on the Brahmaputra.

It is estimated that the Brahmaputra”s power potential could provide about 48000 MW. This constitutes as much as 30 per cent of the total hydropower reserves of India, but less than even 3 per cent of this has yet to be harnessed.

Trade and Economics

The river is navigable for large crafts 1,290 km upstream from the Bay of Bengal to Dibrugarh, India. The lower portions of the river are used heavily to transport agricultural products. A major earthquake in 1950 (magnitude 8.7 on the Richter scale) and disputes over water rights impeded further access upstream. The Brahmaputra Valley in Assam has marshy jungle, teak forest, and commercial fisheries; rice, jute, tea, and sugarcane are grown there as well. In Tibet, the river forms an important east-west transportation route.

There currently exists a rapidly growing trade relationship between India and China. Both Indian exports and imports through China have grown tremendously since 1999.

Hydrology
The Brahmaputra’s flows fluctuate drastically between high and low flows. High flows, peaking in mid June, can run at 72,460 m3/s (1962 flood). The mean annual flood discharge of the river is 48,160 m3/sec at Pandu (India). Its minimum recorded dry-season flow was only 3,280 m3/s in 1960.

The average annual rainfall in the basin is 230 cm with a marked variability in distribution over the watershed. Rainfall in the lower Himalayan region amounts to more than 500cm per year with higher elevations getting progressively lesser amounts. The rainfall intensity occasionally records exceedingly high rates causing flash floods, landslides, debris flow and erosion.

The rains begin in May or early June, and the wet season lasts to October. From June to September, the rains occur nearly daily. A period of fluctuating high flow follows, usually with peaks in July and September. The last peak is followed by a long recession into December and January.

During the rainy season there, the river often floods to 8 km wide, rising 9-12 m and depositing sediment carried down from the mountains.

The wide Brahmaputra River is also a bio-geographic barrier for several species. For instance, the golden langur (Semnopithecus geei), hispid hare (Caprolagus hispidus), and pygmy hog (Sus salvanius) are limited to the north bank of the river, whereas the hoolock gibbon (Hylobates hoolock) and stump-tailed macaque (Macaca arctoides) are limited to the south bank (Rodgers and Panwar 1988).

The June to September southwest monsoon is funneled through the Gangetic River plains, flanked by the Himalayas to the north and the Mizo Hills to the south, deluging the eco region with 1,500-3,000 mm of rainfall, depending on the topographic variation. The substrate consists of deep alluvial deposits, washed down over the centuries by the Brahmaputra and other rivers such as the Manas and Subansiri, which drain southern slopes of the Eastern Himalaya. The eco region’s vegetation therefore is thus influenced by the rich alluvial soils and the monsoon rains.

The Brahmaputra drains an area of approximately 9.4 million square kilometers…combined with the Ganges River these rivers sustain more people than all the people in Western Europe and North America combined.

There has been speculation for years that China may build a dam in the area of the Great Bend to divert water into China’s Gobi desert which covers half of China’s landmass and yet has only 7 percent of its freshwater.

The Chinese are apparently eyeing about 40 billion cubic meters, out of the annual average inflow of 71.4 billion, of the Brahmaputra’s waters. The river skirts China’s borders before dipping into India and Bangladesh. China has a serious need to feed water to its north-west territory, the Gobi Desert, which contains almost half the country’s total landmass, but only seven percent of its freshwater. The Gobi occupies an area of 1,300,000 sq.km making it one of the largest deserts in the world. Desertification of Gobi since 1950s has expanded it by 52,000 sq.km and it is now just 160 km from Beijing. It is said to expand by 3 km per year.

China has the will and the necessary resources — manpower, technology and, above all, large foreign currency reserves in excess of a trillion dollars — to take the Brahmaputra diversion project forward; the country’s economic stimulus in infrastructure could create employment potential for more than a few million people.

The Brahmaputra flows 2,900 km from its source in the Kailash range of the Himalayas to its massive delta and the Bay of Bengal in Bangladesh. The river drains a vast area of nearly 9,36,800 sq. km. This river system forms the largest river delta and the third largest free water fall out into the Ocean in the world — next only to the Amazon and the Congo rivers. More people live in the Ganges-Brahmaputra river basin than Western Europe and the entire North American continent.

This river system is of critical interest to all the four countries, including Nepal. China is an upper riparian state and, therefore, has the freedom and capacity to divert the river. Should that happen, the irreparable loss will result in destruction of a large part of the North-East and Bangladesh. This step will also drive millions of refugees from Bangladesh into India for their livelihood. There is thus an urgent need to address this issue trilaterally.

China says it has no designs on the Brahmaputra.  In a story reported by the Times of India this past fall China’s Minister for Water Resources, Wang Shucheng, stated in the China Daily that the proposal to divert waters of the Tsangpo-Brahmaputra had no government backing and “there is no need for such dramatic and unscientific projects”. China’s own freshwater resources have become more strained as the population grows and pollution ruins available freshwater.  China has water issues…and the Tsangpo-Brahmaputra River is a tempting source and solution for their issues.

In April 2010, China said the dam being built by it on river Brahmaputra will have no impact on the downstream flow of the river into India.

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TN man designed Indian Rupee symbol – Rupee joins Elite Club

Friday, July 16th, 2010

Even though not fully convertible, the Indian rupee will soon have a distinct identity. With a blend of the Devanagari ‘Ra’ and Roman ‘R’ as its unique symbol, the Indian currency will be joining the elite club of the US dollar, the European euro, the British pound sterling and the Japanese yen to mark its presence in the global arena.

Designed by Bombay IIT post-graduate D. Udaya Kumar, (native of Kallakurichi, Tamil Nadu), the symbol was approved by the Union Cabinet on 15.07.2010 to distinguish the currency of the over $ 1-trillion economy from the rest, such as the rupee or the rupiah of Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Indonesia.

Information and Broadcasting Minister Ambika Soni said: “It’s a big statement on the Indian currency. The symbol would lend a distinctive character and identity to the currency and further highlight the strength and global face of the Indian economy.”

Unlike the pound sterling among the four currencies with distinct identities, the Indian currency symbol will not be printed or embossed on paper notes or coins.

It would be included in the ‘Unicode Standard’ and major scripts of the world so as to ensure that it is easily displayed and printed in the electronic and print media.

Ms. Soni pointed out that the symbol would be adopted within a span of six months in the country and in about 18-24 months globally.

Mr. Udaya Kumar’s winning entry was chosen from 3,000 designs received for the currency symbol competition. He will get an award of Rs. 2.5 lakh from the Finance Ministry. The jury, headed by an RBI Deputy Governor, had sent five short-listed entries for the Cabinet’s approval.

When D. Udaya Kumar decided to participate in the competition to create a symbol for the rupee, he looked at a number of Indian scripts to come up with a design. “I saw many regional language scripts but I thought many represented only one region of India. But the Devanagari script is the most extensively used in the country, so I decided to go with that.”

Mr. Kumar said the horizontal line on top used in the Devanagari script was unique to India. “The two horizontal lines and the band between also represent the Indian flag.”

A native of Kallakurichi in Tamil Nadu, Mr. Kumar completed most of his schooling in Chennai.

After studying at the School of Architecture and Planning at Anna University in Chennai, he did his Masters’ at the Indian Institute of Technology-Bombay starting 2001, before enrolling for a PhD there in 2005 after a two-year stint in the computer magazine Chip.

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At 22, Tathagat Avtar Tulsi becomes Assistant Professor at IIT

Wednesday, July 14th, 2010

The 22-year-old Patna-born prodigy Tathagat Avtar Tulsi is all set to become the country’s youngest faculty at the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Powai in Mumbai.

Dr. Tulsi, will be joining as an assistant professor in the Department of Physics next week.

Mr. Tulsi, who completed high school at the age of 9 years, had secured a B.Sc. degree at 10 and his M.Sc. degree in Physics at the age of 12.

The ‘wunderkind’ then obtained his Ph.D in Quantum Computing from the Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bangalore at the  age of 21.

In 2003, he was named as one of the world’s “seven most gifted youngsters” by Time magazine.

Dr. Tulsi chose IIT Powai’s over offers from such hallowed institutions as Waterloo University in Canada, and the Indian Institute of Science Education & Research (IISER), Bhopal.

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Foot Ball World Cup – History, Rules and 1930 to 2010 Winners

Monday, July 12th, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

Foot Ball World Cup is formally called as FIFA World Cup. Foot Ball is also called association football or soccer and it is a game in which two teams of 11 players, using any part of their bodies except their hands and arms, try to maneuver the ball into the opposing team’s goal. Only the goalkeeper is permitted to handle the ball and may do so only within the penalty area surrounding the goal. The team that scores more goals wins.

The first competition for the cup was organized in 1930 by the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and was won by Uruguay. Held every four years since that time, except during World War II, the competition consists of international sectional tournaments leading to a final elimination event made up of 32 national teams. Unlike Olympic football, World Cup teams are not limited to players of a certain age or amateur status, so the competition serves more nearly as a contest between the world’s best players. Referees are selected from lists that are submitted by all the national associations.

The trophy cup awarded from 1930 to 1970 was the Jules Rimet Trophy, named for the Frenchman who proposed the tournament. This cup was permanently awarded in 1970 to then three-time winner Brazil (1958, 1962, and 1970), and a new trophy called the FIFA World Cup was put up for competition. Many other sports have organized “World Cup” competitions.

History – The early years

Modern football originated in Britain in the 19th century. Since before medieval times, “folk football” games had been played in towns and villages according to local customs and with a minimum of rules. Industrialization and urbanization, which reduced the amount of leisure time and space available to the working class, combined with a history of legal prohibitions against particularly violent and destructive forms of folk football to undermine the game’s status from the early 19th century onward. However, football was taken up as a winter game between residence houses at public (independent) schools such as Winchester, Charterhouse, and Eton. Each school had its own rules; some allowed limited handling of the ball and others did not. The variance in rules made it difficult for public schoolboys entering university to continue playing except with former schoolmates. As early as 1843 an attempt to standardize and codify the rules of play was made at the University of Cambridge, whose students joined most public schools in 1848 in adopting these “Cambridge rules,” which were further spread by Cambridge graduates who formed football clubs. In 1863 a series of meetings involving clubs from metropolitan London and surrounding counties produced the printed rules of football, which prohibited the carrying of the ball. Thus the “handling” game of rugby remained outside the newly formed Football Association (FA). Indeed, by 1870, all handling of the ball except by the goalkeeper was prohibited by the FA.

The new rules were not universally accepted in Britain, however; many clubs retained their own rules, especially in and around Sheffield. Although this northern English city was the home of the first provincial club to join the FA, in 1867 it also gave birth to the Sheffield Football Association, the forerunner of later county associations. Sheffield and London clubs played two matches against each other in 1866, and a year later a match pitting a club from Middlesex against one from Kent and Surrey was played under the revised rules. In 1871 15 FA clubs accepted an invitation to enter a cup competition and to contribute to the purchase of a trophy. By 1877, the associations of Great Britain had agreed upon a uniform code, 43 clubs were in competition, and the London clubs’ initial dominance had diminished.

International organization

By the early 20th century, football had spread across Europe, but it was in need of international organization. A solution was found in 1904, when representatives from the football associations of Belgium, Denmark, France, The Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland founded the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA).

Although Englishman Daniel Woolfall was elected FIFA president in 1906 and all of the home nations (England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales) were admitted as members by 1911, British football associations were disdainful of the new body. FIFA members accepted British control over the rules of football via the International Board, which had been established by the home nations in 1882. Nevertheless, in 1920 the British associations resigned their FIFA memberships after failing to persuade other members that Germany, Austria, and Hungary should be expelled following World War I. The British associations rejoined FIFA in 1924 but soon after insisted upon a very rigid definition of amateurism, notably for Olympic football. Other nations again failed to follow their lead, and the British resigned once more in 1928, remaining outside FIFA until 1946. When FIFA established the World Cup championship, British insouciance toward the international game continued. Without membership in FIFA, the British national teams were not invited to the first three competitions (1930, 1934, and 1938). For the next competition, held in 1950, FIFA ruled that the two best finishers in the British home nations tournament would qualify for World Cup play; England won, but Scotland (which finished second) chose not to compete for the World Cup.

Despite sometimes fractious international relations, football continued to rise in popularity. It made its official Olympic debut at the London Games in 1908, and it has since been played in each of the Summer Games (except for the 1932 Games in Los Angeles). FIFA also grew steadily—especially in the latter half of the 20th century, when it strengthened its standing as the game’s global authority and regulator of competition. Guinea became FIFA’s 100th member in 1961; at the turn of the 21st century, more than 200 nations were registered FIFA members, which is more than the number of countries that belong to the United Nations.

The World Cup finals remain football’s premier tournament, but other important tournaments have emerged under FIFA guidance. Two different tournaments for young players began in 1977 and 1985, and these became, respectively, the World Youth Championship (for those 20 years old and younger) and the Under-17 World Championship. Futsal, the world indoor, five-a-side championship, started in 1989, and two years later the first women’s World Cup was played in China. In 1992 FIFA opened the Olympic football tournament to players aged under 23 years, and four years later the first women’s Olympic football tournament was held. The World Club Championship debuted in Brazil in 2000. The Under-19 Women’s World Championship was inaugurated in 2002.

FIFA membership is open to all national associations. They must accept FIFA’s authority, observe the laws of football, and possess a suitable football infrastructure (i.e., facilities and internal organization). FIFA statutes require members to form continental confederations. The first of these, the Confederación Sudamericana de Fútbol (commonly known as CONMEBOL), was founded in South America in 1916. In 1954 the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) and the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) were established. Africa’s governing body, the Confédération Africaine de Football (CAF), was founded in 1957. The Confederation of North, Central American and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF) followed four years later. The Oceania Football Confederation (OFC) appeared in 1966. These confederations may organize their own club, international, and youth tournaments, elect representatives to FIFA’s Executive Committee, and promote football in their specific continents as they see fit. In turn, all football players, agents, leagues, national associations, and confederations must recognize the authority of FIFA’s Arbitration Tribunal for Football, which effectively functions as football’s supreme court in serious disputes.

Play of the game

The rules of football regarding equipment, field of play, conduct of participants, and settling of results are built around 17 laws. The International Football Association Board, consisting of delegates from FIFA and the four football associations from the United Kingdom, is empowered to amend the laws.

Equipment and field of play

The object of football is to maneuver the ball into the opposing team’s goal, using any part of the body except the hands and arms. The side scoring more goals wins. The ball is round, covered with leather or some other suitable material, and inflated; it must be 27–27.5 inches (68–70 cm) in circumference and 14.5–16 ounces (410–450 grams) in weight. A game lasts 90 minutes and is divided into halves; the halftime interval lasts 15 minutes, during which the teams change ends. Additional time may be added by the referee to compensate for stoppages in play (for example, player injuries). If neither side wins, and if a victor must be established, “extra-time” is played, and then, if required, a series of penalty kicks may be taken.

The penalty area, a rectangular area in front of the goal, is 44 yards (40.2 metres) wide and extends 18 yards (16.5 metres) into the field. The goal is a frame, backed by a net, measuring 8 yards (7.3 metres) wide and 8 feet (2.4 metres) high. The playing field (pitch) should be 100–130 yards (90–120 metres) long and 50–100 yards (45–90 metres) wide; for international matches, it must be 110–120 yards long and 70–80 yards wide. Women, children, and mature players may play a shorter game on a smaller field. The game is controlled by a referee, who is also the timekeeper, and two assistants who patrol the touchlines, or sidelines, signaling when the ball goes out of play and when players are offside.

Players wear jerseys with numbers, shorts, and socks that designate the team for whom they are playing. Shoes and shin guards must be worn. The two teams must wear identifiably different uniforms, and goalkeepers must be distinguishable from all players and match officials.

Fouls

Free kicks are awarded for fouls or violations of rules; when a free kick is taken, all players of the offending side must be 10 yards (9 metres) from the ball. Free kicks may be either direct (from which a goal may be scored), for more serious fouls, or indirect (from which a goal cannot be scored), for lesser violations. Penalty kicks, introduced in 1891, are awarded for more serious fouls committed inside the area. The penalty kick is a direct free kick awarded to the attacking side and is taken from a spot 12 yards (11 metres) from goal, with all players other than the defending goalkeeper and the kicker outside the penalty area. Since 1970, players guilty of a serious foul are given a yellow caution card; a second caution earns a red card and ejection from the game. Players may also be sent off directly for particularly serious fouls, such as violent conduct.

Rules

There were few major alterations to football’s laws through the 20th century. Indeed, until the changes of the 1990s, the most significant amendment to the rules came in 1925, when the offside rule was rewritten. Previously, an attacking player (i.e., one in the opponent’s half of the playing field) was offside if, when the ball was “played” to him, fewer than three opposing players were between him and the goal. The rule change, which reduced the required number of intervening players to two, was effective in promoting more goals. In response, new defensive tactics and team formations emerged. Player substitutions were introduced in 1965; teams have been allowed to field three substitutes since 1995.

More recent rule changes have helped increase the tempo, attacking incidents, and amount of effective play in games. The pass-back rule now prohibits goalkeepers from handling the ball after it is kicked to them by a teammate. “Professional fouls,” which are deliberately committed to prevent opponents from scoring, are punished by red cards, as is tackling (taking the ball away from a player by kicking or stopping it with one’s feet) from behind. Players are cautioned for “diving” (feigning being fouled) to win free kicks or penalties. Time wasting has been addressed by forcing goalkeepers to clear the ball from hand within six seconds and by having injured players removed by stretcher from the pitch. Finally, the offside rule was adjusted to allow attackers who are level with the penultimate defender to be onside.

Interpretation of football’s rules is influenced heavily by cultural and tournament contexts. Lifting one’s feet over waist level to play the ball is less likely to be penalized as dangerous play in Britain than in southern Europe. The British game can be similarly lenient in punishing the tackle from behind, in contrast to the trend in recent World Cup matches. FIFA insists that “the referee’s decision is final,” and it is reluctant to break the flow of games to allow for video assessment on marginal decisions. However, the most significant future amendments or reinterpretations of football’s rules may deploy more efficient technology to assist match officials. Post-match video evidence is used now by football’s disciplinary committees, particularly to adjudicate violent play or to evaluate performances by match officials.

Strategy and tactics

Use of the feet and (to a lesser extent) the legs to control and pass the ball is football’s most basic skill. Heading the ball is particularly prominent when receiving long, aerial passes. Since the game’s origins, players have displayed their individual skills by going on “solo runs” or dribbling the ball past outwitted opponents. But football is essentially a team game based on passing between team members. The basic playing styles and skills of individual players reflect their respective playing positions. Goalkeepers require agility and height to reach and block the ball when opponents shoot at goal. Central defenders have to challenge the direct attacking play of opponents; called upon to win tackles and to head the ball away from danger such as when defending corner kicks, they are usually big and strong. Fullbacks are typically smaller but quicker, qualities required to match speedy wing-forwards. Midfield players (also called halfs or halfbacks) operate across the middle of the field and may have a range of qualities: powerful “ball-winners” need to be “good in the tackle” in terms of winning or protecting the ball and energetic runners; creative “playmakers” develop scoring chances through their talent at holding the ball and through accurate passing. Wingers tend to have good speed, some dribbling skills, and the ability to make crossing passes that travel across the front of goal and provide scoring opportunities for forwards. Forwards can be powerful in the air or small and penetrative with quick footwork; essentially, they should be adept at scoring goals from any angle.

FIFA men’s World Cup winners

FIFA World Cup—men
year result
1930 Uruguay 4 Argentina 2
1934 Italy 2 Czechoslovakia 1
1938 Italy 4 Hungary 2
1950 Uruguay 2 Brazil 1
1954 West Germany 3 Hungary 2
1958 Brazil 5 Sweden 2
1962 Brazil 3 Czechoslovakia 1
1966 England 4 West Germany 2
1970 Brazil 4 Italy 1
1974 West Germany 2 The Netherlands 1
1978 Argentina 3 The Netherlands 1
1982 Italy 3 West Germany 1
1986 Argentina 3 West Germany 2
1990 West Germany 1 Argentina 0
1994 Brazil* 0 Italy 0
1998 France 3 Brazil 0
2002 Brazil 2 Germany 0
2006 Italy* 1 France 1
*Won on penalty kicks.

FIFA women’s World Cup winners

year result
1991 United States 2 Norway 1
1995 Norway 2 Germany 0
1999 United States* 0 China 0
2003 Germany 2 Sweden 1
2007 Germany 2 Brazil 0
*Won on penalty kicks.

19th World Cup football (soccer) tournament, 2010

It began on June 11, 2010, in Johannesburg as host country South Africa tied Mexico in the event’s opening contest. Sixty-three games later, on July 11 in Soccer City Stadium in Johannesburg, a new World Cup champion was crowned, as Spain defeated the Netherlands 1–0 in extra time. Germany finished in third place for the second straight World Cup, beating Uruguay 3–2.

The 2010 World Cup marked the first time that the world’s most popular sporting competition was played on the African continent. In the 2004 Fédération Internationale de Football (FIFA) balloting to determine the 2010 host country, South Africa (which had narrowly lost out to Germany for the right to host the 2006 World Cup) was selected over bids from Morocco, Egypt, and Libya. To mark this momentous event, Britannica is pleased to present a selection of information on the World Cup and South Africa, including a survey of the World Cup field, a tournament schedule, an overview of the World Cup venues, sections on notable football players past and present, a brief history of the World Cup and international football, coverage of the 2006 World Cup, surveys of South Africa’s sporting and artistic cultures, and a timeline of significant events in the country’s history.

2010 World Cup Venues in South Africa

2010 World Cup Venues
Bloemfontein
Stadium: Free State Stadium
Capacity: 45,000
Year completed: 1952 (renovated 2008)
Cape Town
Stadium: Cape Town Stadium
Capacity: 68,000
Year completed: 2009
Durban
Stadium: Moses Mabhida Stadium
Capacity: 70,000
Year completed: 2009
Johannesburg (Ellis Park)
Stadium: Ellis Park Stadium (Coca-Cola Park)
Capacity: 62,000
Year completed: 1982
Johannesburg (Soccer City)
Stadium: Soccer City Stadium

Capacity: 94,000
Year completed: 1989 (renovated 2009)
Nelspruit
Stadium: Mbombela Stadium
Capacity: 46,000
Year completed: 2009
Polokwane
Stadium: Peter Mokaba Stadium
Capacity: 46,000
Year completed: 2010
Port Elizabeth
Stadium: Nelson Mandela Bay Stadium
Capacity: 48,000
Year completed: 2009
Pretoria
Stadium: Loftus Versfeld Stadium
Capacity: 50,000
Year completed: 1906 (renovated 2008)
Rustenburg
Stadium: Royal Bafokeng Stadium
Capacity: 42,000
Year completed: 1999 (renovated 2010)

The following are the superstars who made an indelible impact on football history through their play in the World Cup.

  1. Franz Beckenbauer (West Germany)
  2. Sir Bobby Charlton (England)
  3. Johan Cruyff (Netherlands)
  4. Oliver Kahn (Germany)
  5. Diego Maradona (Argentina)
  6. Roger Milla (Cameroon)
  7. Pelé (Brazil)
  8. Ronaldo (Brazil)
  9. Lev Yashin (U.S.S.R.)
  10. Zinedine Zidane (France)

2010 Foot Ball Final Tournament Standings:

Spain have beaten the Netherlands 1:0 in the 2010 World Cup final after 120 minutes on the Soccer City Stadium in Johannesburg.

After a scoreless draw in the regular time, the Spanish and the Dutch went into a 30-minute extra time.

The only goal was scored by Spain‘s Iniesta in the 116th minute after Netherlands‘ back Heitinga received a red card in the 110th minute.

Thus, Spain have become the eighth team to ever win a World Cup tournament, and the first European team to do so outside of Europe.

Spain is also the second team to win a World Cup after winning the European Cup before that (in 2008). The only team to have done so until now was Germany.

Winner: Spain

Runners-Up: Netherlands

Third: Germany

Fourth: Uruguay

Diego FORLAN is the winner of the adidas Golden Ball award

Thomas MUELLER is the winner of the adidas Golden Shoe award

Iker CASILLAS is the winner of the adidas Golden Glove award

FIFA Fair Play award went to Spain

Andres INIESTA has been elected Last Man of the Match

Thomas MUELLER is the winner of the Best Young Player Award.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Iran’s Nuclear Programme and Sanctions by United Nations

Sunday, July 11th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

Iran’s nuclear programme is one of the most polarizing issues in one of the world’s most volatile regions. While American and European officials believe Tehran is planning to build nuclear weapons, Iran’s leadership says that its goal in developing a nuclear program is to generate electricity without dipping into the oil supply it prefers to sell abroad, and to provide fuel for medical reactors.

Iran’s claims that its nuclear program is solely for peaceful purposes has not clogged the considerable concern that Tehran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Indeed, the UN Security Council has responded to Iran’s refusal to suspend work on its uranium enrichment and heavy-water nuclear reactor programs by adopting several resolutions which imposed sanctions on Tehran. In spite of this, Iran continues to enrich uranium, install additional centrifuges, and conduct research on new types of centrifuges. Tehran has also continued work on its heavy-water reactor and associated facilities.

But it is not clear whether Iran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program or not. A National Intelligence Estimate made public in December 2007 assessed that Tehran “halted its nuclear weapons program,” defined as “Iran’s nuclear weapon design and weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment-related work,” in 2003. Tehran is also said to “keep open the option to develop nuclear weapons” and that any decision to end a nuclear weapons program is “inherently reversible.” Iranian efforts to produce fissile material for nuclear weapons by using its known nuclear facilities would almost certainly be detected by the IAEA. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) continues to investigate the program, particularly evidence that Tehran may have conducted procurement activities and research directly applicable to nuclear weapons development.

Origin of the Nuclear Programme

It was during the 1950s that Iran started its nuclear programme.  Tehran started constructing its U.S.-supplied research reactor in 1960; the reactor went critical in 1967. During the 1970s, Tehran pursued an ambitious nuclear power program; according to contemporaneous U.S. documents, Iran wanted to construct 10-20 nuclear power reactors and produce more than 20,000 megawatts of nuclear power by 1994.

A light-water nuclear power reactor was constructed near the city of Bushehr. Tehran also considered obtaining uranium enrichment and reprocessing technology. It was then that Iran took steps to demonstrate that it was not pursuing nuclear weapons. When Tehran signed the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968 and ratified it in 1970, Iran also submitted a draft resolution to the UN General Assembly in 1974 that called for establishing a nuclear-weapons-free zone in the Middle East. But the concern had already started In the U.S.

This prompted Iran to cancel the nuclear program after the 1979 revolution, but it again reinstituted the program in 1982, according to a 1988 CIA report. A 1985 National Intelligence Council report, which cited Iran as a potential “proliferation threat,” stated that Tehran was “interested in developing facilities that could eventually produce fissile material that could be used in a [nuclear] weapon The Iranian government says that it plans to expand its reliance on nuclear power in order to generate electricity. This program will, Tehran says, substitute for some of Iran’s oil and gas consumption and allow the country to export additional fossil fuels.

Currently, a Russian contractor is completing the Bushehr reactor and Iran says it intends to build additional reactors to generate 20,000 megawatts of power within the next 20 years. Iranian officials claim that Tehran has begun design work on its first indigenously produced light-water reactor, which is to be constructed at Darkhovin.  Iran has told the IAEA that construction on the reactor is scheduled to begin in 2011; it will be commissioned in 2015. However, the head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, Ali Akbar Salehi, stated October 4, 2009, that the “assembly of this plant will take ten years.”

It is also anticipated that “foreign experts” will be involved.  Iranian officials have repeatedly asserted that the country’s nuclear program is exclusively for peaceful purposes. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hassan Qashqavi stated on November 10, 2008, that “pursuance of nuclear weapons has no place in the country’s defense doctrine.” President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad asserted during an April 9, 2009, speech that “those who accumulate nuclear weapons are backwards in political terms.”

But the United States and other governments continue to be concerned based on the argument that Iran may be pursuing, at a minimum, the capability to produce nuclear weapons. It is difficult to discriminate a peaceful nuclear program from a nuclear weapons program. In addition, military nuclear programs may coexist with civilian programs, even without an explicit decision to produce nuclear weapons.

The main source of proliferation concern is Tehran’s construction of a gas-centrifuge-based uranium-enrichment facility. Iran claims that it wants to produce low-enriched uranium (LEU) fuel for its planned light-water nuclear reactors. Although Iranian officials have expressed interest in purchasing nuclear fuel from other countries, they assert that Tehran should have an indigenous enrichment capability as a hedge against possible fuel supply disruptions. Gas centrifuges enrich uranium by spinning uranium hexafluoride gas at high speeds to increase the concentration of the uranium-235 isotope. Such centrifuges can produce both LEU, which can be used in nuclear power reactors, and highly enriched uranium (HEU), which is one of the two types of fissile material used in nuclear weapons. HEU can also be used as fuel in certain types of nuclear reactors. Iran also has a uranium-conversion facility, which converts uranium oxide into several compounds, including uranium hexafluoride.

One more thing of concern is the heavy-water reactor, which Iran is constructing at Arak. Although Tehran says that the reactor is intended for the production of medical isotopes, it is a proliferation concern because its spent fuel will contain plutonium well suited for use in nuclear weapons. Spent nuclear fuel from nuclear reactors contains plutonium, the other type of fissile material used in nuclear weapons. In order to be used in nuclear weapons, however, plutonium must be separated from the spent fuel—a procedure called “reprocessing.” Iran has said that it will not engage in reprocessing.

In addition to the dual-use nature of the nuclear programs described above, Tehran’s interactions with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) have contributed to suspicions that Tehran has a nuclear weapons program. In the past, Iran has taken actions that interfered with the IAEA’s investigation of its nuclear program, including concealing nuclear activities and providing misleading statements. Although the IAEA has gotten a more complete picture of Iran’s nuclear program since its investigation began in 2002, the agency still wants Tehran to provide more information.

Current Nuclear hullabaloo

In August 2002, the National Council of Resistance on Iran (NCRI), an Iranian exile group, revealed information during a press conference (some of which later proved to be accurate) that Iran had built nuclear-related facilities at Natanz and Arak that it had not revealed to the IAEA. States-parties to the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) are obligated to conclude a safeguards agreement with the IAEA. In the case of non-nuclear-weapon states-parties to the treaty (of which Iran is one), such agreements allow the agency to monitor nuclear facilities and materials to ensure that they are not diverted for military purposes.

Still, the agency’s inspections and monitoring authority is restricted to facilities that have been declared by the states-parties. Protocols to IAEA safeguards agreements dictate the agency’s ability to investigate clandestine nuclear facilities and activities by increasing the agency’s authority to inspect certain facilities and demand additional information from states-parties. The IAEA’s statute requires the agency’s Board of Governors to refer cases of non-compliance with safeguards agreements to the UN Security Council. Prior to the NCRI’s revelations, the IAEA had expressed concerns that Iran had not been providing the agency with all relevant information about its nuclear programs, but had never found Iran in violation of its safeguards agreement. In fall 2002, the IAEA began to investigate Iran’s nuclear activities at Natanz and Arak, and inspectors visited the sites the following February.

The IAEA board adopted its first resolution, which called on Tehran to increase its cooperation with the agency’s investigation and to suspend its uranium enrichment activities, in September 2003. Later, Iran concluded an agreement with France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, collectively known as the “E3,” to suspend its enrichment activities, sign and implement an additional protocol to its 1974 IAEA safeguards agreement, and comply fully with the IAEA’s investigation. As a result, the IAEA board decided to refrain from referring the matter to the UN Security Council.

The investigations revealed that Iran had engaged in a variety of clandestine nuclear-related activities, some of which violated Iran’s safeguards agreement. These included plutonium separation experiments, uranium enrichment and conversion experiments, and importing various uranium compounds.

After October 2003, Iran continued some of its enrichment-related activities, but Tehran and the E3 agreed in November 2004 to a more detailed suspension agreement. However, Iran resumed uranium conversion in August 2005 under the leadership of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who had been elected two months earlier. Iran announced in January 2006 that it would resume research and development on its centrifuges at Natanz. In response, the IAEA board adopted a resolution February 4, 2006, that referred the matter to the Security Council. Later Tehran announced that it would stop implementing its additional protocol.

In June 2006, China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, collectively known as the “P5+1,” presented a proposal to Iran that offered a variety of incentives in return for Tehran taking several steps to assuage international concerns about its enrichment and heavy-water programs. The proposal called on the government to address the IAEA’s “outstanding concerns through full cooperation” with the agency’s ongoing investigation of Tehran’s nuclear programs, “suspend all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities,” and resume implementing its additional protocol.

European Union High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana presented a revised version of the 2006 offer to Iran in June 2008. Representatives from the P5+1 discussed the new proposal with Iranian officials in July 2008. Tehran has told the IAEA that it would implement its additional protocol “if the nuclear file is returned from the Security Council” to the agency. It is, however, unclear how the council could meet this condition. Iran’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki told reporters October 7, 2009, that Iran is not discussing ratification of the Protocol.

The 2006 offer’s requirements have also been included in several UN Security Council resolutions, the most recent of which, Resolution 1835, was adopted September 27, 2008. However, a November 2009 report from ElBaradei to the Security Council and the IAEA board indicated that Tehran has continued to defy the council’s demands by continuing work on both its uranium enrichment program and heavy-water reactor program. Iran issued another proposal in early September 2009, which described a number of economic and security issues as potential topics for discussion, but only obliquely mentioned nuclear issues and did not explicitly mention Iran’s nuclear program

Geneva Meeting- October 2009

During an October 1, 2009 meeting in Geneva with the P5+1 and Solana, Iranian officials agreed in principle to a proposal that would provide fuel enriched to 19.75% uranium-235 for Iran’s U.S.-supplied Tehran Research Reactor, which produces medical isotopes and operates under IAEA safeguards. Iran asked the agency in June 2009 to provide a new supply of fuel for the reactor, which will run out of fuel in approximately 18 months. Later, the United States and Russia presented a proposal to the IAEA (which the agency conveyed to Iran) for providing fuel for the reactor. Iranian officials have stated that, absent an agreement with international suppliers, Iran will produce its own fuel for the reactor. According to the proposal, Iran would transfer approximately 1,200 kilograms of its low-enriched uranium hexafluoride to Russia, which would either enrich the uranium to 19.75% uranium-235 or produce the LEU from Russian-origin uranium. Russia would then transfer the low-enriched uranium hexafluoride to France for fabrication into fuel assemblies. Finally, France would transfer the assemblies to Russia for shipment to Iran. Iran had, as of October 30, 2009, produced 1,763 kilograms of low-enriched uranium hexafluoride containing less than 5% uranium-235.

More recently, Iranian officials have suggested that Tehran would accept a compromise in which it would ship the LEU out of the country in phases. These officials have suggested that the LEU would be simultaneously exchanged for fuel on an Iranian island or in a third country, such as Turkey.

Iran’s Cooperation with the IAEA

Iran and the IAEA agreed in August 2007 on a work plan to clarify the outstanding questions regarding Tehran’s nuclear program.  Iran maintains that it has not conducted any work on nuclear weapons. Iran and the IAEA have had a series of discussions regarding these issues. The agency has provided Iran with documents or (in some cases) descriptions of documents, which themselves were provided to the IAEA by several governments, indicating that Iranian entities may have conducted studies related to nuclear weapons development.  The IAEA has asked Tehran about other information suggesting that the country may have pursued nuclear weapons, such as

  1. information about a high level meeting in 1984 on reviving Iran’s pre-revolution nuclear programme
  2. the scope of a visit by officials” associated with Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization “to a nuclear installation in Pakistan in 1987”
  3. information on 1993 meetings between Iranian officials and members of a clandestine procurement network run by former Pakistani nuclear official Abdul Qadeer Khan; and
  4. information about work done in 2000 which apparently related to reprocessing.

The agency also wants Iran to provide more information on nuclear-related procurement, production, and research activity by entities linked to Iran’s military and defense establishments. These included attempts to obtain items, such as spark gaps, shock wave software, and neutron sources, which could be useful for developing nuclear weapons. In addition, ElBaradei’s May 2008 report notes that “substantial parts” of Iran’s centrifuge components “were manufactured in the workshops of the Defence Industries Organization.”

ElBaradei’s November 2008 report points out that the IAEA, with the exception of the document related to uranium metal, has “no information on the actual design or manufacture by Iran” of components (nuclear or otherwise) for nuclear weapons. That report, as well as subsequent reports from ElBaradei, also suggests that Iran and the IAEA are at an impasse. Tehran has not cooperated with the agency on these matters since ElBaradei’s September 2008 report.

Current Status of Iran’s Nuclear Programs

Some non-governmental experts and former U.S. officials have argued that, rather than producing fissile material indigenously, Iran could obtain such material from foreign sources. A National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) made public December 3, 2007, states that the intelligence

community “cannot rule out that Iran has acquired from abroad—or will acquire in the future—a nuclear weapon or enough fissile material for a weapon.” Iran is continuing work on a fuel manufacturing plant that, when complete, is to produce fuel for the Arak and Darkhovin reactors. The plant has produced fuel rods and appears to be nearly complete.

Uranium Enrichment

Iran has a pilot centrifuge facility and a larger commercial facility, both located at Natanz. The latter is eventually to hold more than 47,000 centrifuges.  Former Vice President Gholamreza Aghazadeh, who also headed Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization until July 2009, explained in February 2009 that Iran’s goal is to install all of them by 2015.

Individual centrifuges are linked together in cascades; each cascade in the commercial facility contains 164 centrifuges. According to ElBaradei’s November 2009 report, Iran was, as of November 2, feeding uranium hexafluoride into 24 cascades (3,936 centrifuges) of first generation (IR-1) centrifuges and is operating at least another 12 cascades (1,968 centrifuges) without feedstock. Tehran is also installing and testing additional IR-1 centrifuges in the facility.

Iran’s efforts to augment the facility’s enrichment capacity have slowed in recent months

In addition to its centrifuge work, Iran produced approximately 541 metric tons of uranium hexafluoride between March 2004 and August 10, 2009.  Prior to 2009, Tehran apparently improved its ability to produce centrifuge feedstock of sufficient purity for light-water reactor fuel; whether Iran is currently able to produce feedstock pure enough for weapons-grade HEU is unclear.

The extent to which Iran’s progress is sustainable is open to question. Former Pakistani nuclear official Abdul Qadeer Khan described Pakistan’s first-generation centrifuges as “unsuccessful” in a 1998 interview.  Iran’s ability to produce additional feedstock for centrifuges may be hindered by its dwindling supply of uranium oxide; Tehran is apparently running out of foreign supplied uranium oxide and, although Iran is producing more of the material from indigenously mined uranium, it had not yet transferred any indigenously produced uranium oxide to its uranium conversion facility as of June 2009.

Qom Facility

Despite the intelligence assessment described in the previous paragraph, Iran revealed that it was constructing a new gas-centrifuge-based enrichment facility in September 2009. Iranian officials have said that the facility is for peaceful purposes and that Tehran has acted in accordance with its international obligations. In addition to the Qom facility, Iranian officials have indicated that Tehran intends to construct ten additional centrifuge plants—a goal that many analysts argue is virtually unachievable.

Plutonium

Iran acknowledged to the IAEA in 2003 that it had conducted plutonium-separation experiments—an admission which aroused suspicions that Iran could have a program to produce plutonium for nuclear weapons.

Arak Reactor

Iran says that its heavy-water reactor, which is being constructed at Arak, is intended for the production of medical isotopes. According to a May 5, 2008, presentation by Ambassador Ali Asghar Soltanieh, Iran’s Permanent Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, the reactor is to substitute for an “outdated” LEU-fueled research reactor in Tehran that has been in operation since 1967.

The reactor is a proliferation concern because its spent fuel will contain plutonium better suited for nuclear weapons than the plutonium produced by lightwater moderated reactors, such as the Bushehr reactor. In addition, Iran will be able to operate the reactor with natural uranium, which means that it will not be dependent on supplies of enriched uranium. Salehi stated September 26, 2009, that the reactor would be “operational” within the next three or four years.

Bushehr Reactor

Iran is also constructing near the city of Bushehr a 1,000-megawatt nuclear power reactor moderated by light water. According to ElBaradei’s August report, loading fuel into the reactor was scheduled to take place during October and November 2009, but this has not yet occurred.

Iran Nuclear Program 2010

Top American military officials said in April 2010 that Iran could produce bomb-grade fuel for at least one nuclear weapon within a year, but would most likely need two to five years to manufacture a workable atomic bomb. International inspectors said in May that Iran has now produced a stockpile of nuclear fuel that experts say would be enough, with further enrichment, to make two nuclear weapons.

On Feb. 9, 2010, Ali Akbar Salehi, the head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, said scientists at the Natanz nuclear facility south of Tehran had begun processing uranium to a purity level of 20 percent to provide fuel for a research reactor producing medical isotopes, raising alarms in Israel and the West.

Enriching uranium to 20-percent purity is high enough for use in a medical reactor but significantly lower than the 90-percent levels needed for nuclear weapons. The worry is that any effort to produce 20-percent enriched uranium would put the country in a position to produce weapons-grade uranium in a comparatively short time.

The decision by Iran to pursue further enrichment elicited sharp reactions in several countries. The United States has been seeking United Nations backing for new sanctions, and has been talking with Britain and France, its closest allies on the United Nations Security Council, as well as Germany. Those countries have long supported tougher measures, which have been resisted by Russia and China. But both Russia and China have signaled new willingness to consider sanctions.

On Feb. 18, 2010, the United Nations’ nuclear inspectors declared for the first time that they had extensive evidence of “past or current undisclosed activities” by Iran’s military to develop a nuclear warhead. The report, the first under the new director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Yukiya Amano, also concluded that the nation’s weapons-related activity apparently continued “beyond 2004.” The I.A.E.A. report confirmed that Iran has enriched small quantities of uranium to 20 percent, but made no assessment of how close it might be to producing a nuclear weapon. It cited recently collected evidence that conveyed a picture of a concerted drive in Iran toward a weapons capability.

In April, Mr. Obama announced a new nuclear strategy designed to ease fears in non-nuclear states that the United States might ever use atomic weapons against them. But Mr. Obama pointedly excluded countries like Iran and North Korea that have failed to live up to their obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

The questions of Iran’s sincerity was again raised by its announcement on May 17 of an agreement negotiated by Turkey and Brazil that could offer a short-term solution to its ongoing nuclear standoff with the West, or prove to be a tactic aimed at derailing efforts to bring new sanctions against Tehran. The deal calls for Iran to ship 2,640 pounds of low enriched uranium to Turkey, where it would be stored. In exchange, after one year, Iran would have the right to receive about 265 pounds of material enriched to 20 percent from Russia and France. The terms mirrored a deal with the West last October that had fallen apart when Iran backtracked, but by May 2010 the material to be shipped represented a far smaller portion of its enriched uranium.

The International Atomic Energy Agency reported that Iran has now produced over 5,300 pounds of low-enriched uranium, all of which would have to undergo further enrichment before it could be converted to bomb fuel.

Until recently, all of Iran’s uranium had been enriched to only 4 percent, the level needed to run nuclear power reactors. While increasing that to 20 percent purity does not allow Iran to build a weapon, it gets the country closer to that goal. The inspectors reported that Iran had installed a second group of centrifuges – machines that spin incredibly fast to enrich, or purify, uranium for use in bombs or reactors – which could improve its production of the 20 percent fuel.

The Fourth Round of Sanctions

On June 9 2010, the United Nations Security Council leveled its fourth round of sanctions against Iran’s nuclear program, but the measures did little to overcome widespread doubts that they — or even the additional steps pledged by American and European officials — would accomplish the Council’s longstanding goal: halting Iran’s production of nuclear fuel.

The new resolution, hailed by President Obama as delivering “the toughest sanctions ever faced by the Iranian government,” took months to negotiate and major concessions by American officials, but still failed to carry the symbolic weight of a unanimous decision. Twelve of the 15 nations on the Council voted for the measure, while Turkey and Brazil voted against it and Lebanon abstained.

After the Obama administration imposed additional sanctions on more than a dozen Iranian companies and individuals with links to the country’s nuclear and missile programs, the European Union followed suit on June 17 2010 with what it called “inevitable” new measures against Tehran. The main thrust of the sanctions is against military purchases, trade and financial transactions carried out by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, which controls the nuclear program and has taken a more central role in running the country and the economy.

The United States had sought broader measures against Iran’s banks, insurance industry and other trade, but China and Russia were adamant that the sanctions not affect Iran’s day-to-day economy.

July 2, 2010

President Obama signed into law new unilateral American sanctions on Iran that go beyond the penalties imposed by the United Nations in June 2010.  The new law, passed by Congress on overwhelmingly bipartisan votes last week, tries to further restrict investment in Iran’s energy sector and cut off financing for the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps that oversees nuclear and missile programs. It also cracks down on federal contractors that do business with Iran.

The new sanctions contribute to a strategy under which the United States, Australia, Canada and Europe take individual actions on top of the measures approved by the United Nations Security Council in June. With Russia and China holding veto power on the council, there were limits on how far the United Nations would go in penalizing Iran. But the subsequent unilateral actions are intended to increase the pain on the Tehran government.

The law signed by Mr. Obama imposes penalties on foreign entities that sell refined petroleum to Iran or assist Iran with its domestic refining capacity. It also requires that American and foreign businesses that seek contracts with the United States government certify that they do not engage in prohibited business with Iran.

A New York Times analysis in March, 2010 found that the federal government had awarded more than $107 billion in contract payments, grants and other benefits over the past decade to foreign and multinational American companies while they were doing business in Iran. That included $15 billion paid to companies that defied American sanctions by making large investments that helped Iran develop its vast oil and gas reserves.

The law produced one of the few moments of consensus in Washington. Joining Mr. Obama on stage at the White House was Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia, the second-ranking House Republican.

Iran’s Bushehr nuclear plant operative from 21.08.2010

After a delay of more than five years, Iran has begun operating its Bushehr nuclear reactor, the heads of the Iranian and Russian atomic agencies announced on 21.08.2010.

The 1,000-megawatt facility is designed to generate electricity, and experts and military officials in Israel, the United States and Western Europe say the prospect the reactor will be used in Iran’s military nuclear program is extremely small.

The head of Iran’s atomic energy agency, Ali Akbar Salehi, held a news conference at Bushehr on 21.08.2010 with the head of Russia’s Rosatom state nuclear power company, Sergei Kiriyenko. Salehi said a symbol of Iran’s peaceful use of nuclear technology had been launched despite pressure by Western countries.

On Saturday the 21st August, 2010, the United States sent a calming message to Israel stating that the new reactor was designed for peaceful purposes for producing electricity and does not threaten Israel.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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World-class Green Terminal T3 opened at IGI Airport, New Delhi

Monday, July 5th, 2010

Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh on 3.07.2010 inaugurated the swanky, world-class Terminal 3 of the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi, saying it signalled the arrival of new India, committed to join the ranks of modern, industrialised nations of the world. .

Hailing the new terminal as exemplifying India’s resolve to bridge fast enough the infrastructure deficit in the country, Dr. Singh said T3, built in just 37 months at a cost of about Rs. 10,000 crore, has established new global benchmarks.

Yet another reason for satisfaction, the Prime Minister said, was that it “proves the success of the Public-Private Partnership model in execution of large infrastructure project.”

Sprawling over an area of 5.4 million square feet, the new terminal building is said to be the world’s sixth largest. Though spanking new and modern airports in Bangalore and Hyderabad have already been opened, the IGI airport at Delhi dwarfs both of them.

The Prime Minister unveiled a plaque to mark the formal inauguration of the new terminal in the presence of United Progressive Alliance chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi, Civil Aviation Minister Praful Patel, Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit and G.M. Rao, Chairman of the GMR group that led the international consortium which built the terminal. While international operations from T3 will begin from July 14, 2010, domestic operations will start from July 31, 2010.

Dr. Singh said that it was estimated that India’s aviation sector has the potential to absorb up to $120 billion of investment by 2020. Analysts predict that domestic traffic could reach 160 to 180 million and international traffic in excess of 50 million by 2020, he pointed out. “In a span of a few years, India has become the 9th largest aviation market in the world. We now have 10 scheduled airlines operating in our country, compared to two in 1990. In the same period, the scheduled aircraft deployed by the Indian carriers has gone up four times, from 100 to about 400,” the Prime Minister said.

Emphasising the need to create safe, secure efficient and environment friendly systems conducive to healthy growth of civil aviation sector, the Prime Minister said the regulatory and policy framework also needs to be aligned with the needs of the civil aviation industry to encourage serious investment. Towards achieving these goals, he said, the government has strengthened the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) and set up the Airport Economic Regulatory Authority (AERA).

Pointing out that Delhi airport has improved its rank sharply in terms of Air Service Quality (ASQ) performance from 101 in 2007 to 21 in 2010, Dr. Singh expressed the hope that after the opening of T-3 the airport would shortly rank within the first 10 airports of the world.

Terminal 3 (T3) has 78 aerobridges, 168 check-in counters

With all foreign carriers shifting their bases from the existing Terminal 2 to the new, swanky Terminal 3 of the IGI Airport in Delhi on July 14, 2010, the first fully integrated terminal is all set to become operational.

The plush T3 will see Air India’s flight AI-102 docking in straight from New York on July 14, 2010. It will take off from T3 later. The shiny glass and steel structure has 78 aerobridges, more than Singapore’s Changi airport, and 168 check-in counters and is fully equipped to receive the super-jumbo Airbus A-380, world’s largest passenger aircraft.

Spread over 4 km, 80 per cent of T3 is made of glass supported by metal frames. The nine-level terminal building would be used for 90 per cent of the entire passenger movement at the IGI Airport.

Comfortable lounges, nap and shower rooms will add to passenger comfort in the airport which will have a mix of restaurants, bars, cafes and fast food outlets in around 20,000 sq meter of commercial space.

Besides three functional runways catering to T3 terminal, it will have 92 automatic walkways and a multi-level air-conditioned car park to accommodate 4,300 cars, both first in India. There is a 100-room transit hotel and business lounge inside the terminal itself.

Around 800 Flight Information Display Systems have been used for live flight information and 8,000 speakers installed for public address system. Most modern technology has been put to use for check-in process and baggage retrieval at the new terminal, which can handle 12,800 bags in an hour.

Common User Passenger Processing System and an advanced 5 level in-line Baggage Handling System with explosive detection technology would be operational to ensure quicker processing and higher security.

Besides 95 immigration counters, the new terminal boasts of numerous escalators and walkalators, including one claiming to be the longest in Asia at 118 m. About 3000 security cameras have been installed to keep an eye on every nook and corner of the airport premises.

Almost 20,000 square metres of retail area offers duty free stores have been set up by the famous Irish duty-free chain Aer Rianta International. Passengers would get an experience of a huge mall inside the terminal itself with all top brands ranging from Gucci and Versace to L’Oreal and Dior having their outlets selling items ranging from apparel, cosmetics, perfumes, jewellery, watches to tobacco and liquor.

Famous food and beverage brands like Pizza Hut, KFC, Costa Coffee, Copper Chimney, Flavours, Cafe Ritazza and The Food Village are also opening their shops at both domestic and international areas of the terminal building.

T3 will be one of the few green airports in the world, having eco-friendly features like energy-efficient buildings, high-performance air-conditioning, use of municipal waste to generate electricity, rain water harvesting, waste-water treatment and reuse of treated water.

Designed as per the Indian Green Building Council’s rating system, T3 will have a high level of green cover with landscaping of 70 acres outside and 10,000 square metres inside the building.

Numerous varieties of plants, trees and shrubs are being planted. While most of the plants are indigenous, few exotic varieties of orchids have been sourced from Thailand and Mexico. Over 9 lakh plants will provide a green cover for the airport and the landscaping will have a large number of fountains and soothing lighting.

An Emirates Airbus A380 flew in from Dubai with over 500 passengers, marking the world’s largest commercial aircraft’s arrival at the Terminal-3 (T3) of Delhi’s Indira Gandhi International Airport (IGIA) on 15.07.2010.

The Emirates EK516 landed around 3:00 pm on 15.07.2010 in heavy downpour around the airport.

The Airbus A380 flight was part of a drill to reaffirm the operational readiness of the world’s sixth largest passenger terminal.

T3 has a capacity to handle 34 million passengers per annum and will be fully operational from July 28 after the synchronisation process among various airport agencies is complete.

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India plays a crucial role in kick-starting the global economy

Thursday, June 24th, 2010

The World Bank’s total financial commitment to India’s development agenda is set to touch $9.3 billion by the end of its fiscal year ending June. Spread across 25 new projects, the loan assistance is aimed at helping the country sustain the much needed high growth to lift millions out of poverty.

At a press conference in New Delhi on 23.06.2010, World Bank Country Director in India Roberto Zagha said the total expected lending 2010 (July-June 2010) would include $2.6 billion as interest-free credits from the International Development Association (IDA) and $6.7 billion in the form of long-term, low interest loans from the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development (IBRD).

Till date, both IBRD and IDA-aided projects with a total new commitment of $8.3 billion had already been approved, while the remaining projects worth $1 billion were to be presented before the Bank’s board over the next few days, he said.

Mr. Zagha noted that while a part of this lending was in support of the government’s response to the global financial crisis, another significant portion was aimed at helping India in removing infrastructure constraints to high growth and expand the delivery of essential social services such as better schools, roads and electricity to the people. “The Government of India is accelerating its response to its development challenges and so are we,” he said.

The loan assistance also includes a $2 billion package to provide capital to some of the public sector banks to help them in maintaining their credit expansion and prevent a shortfall of capital from affecting the country’s economy in the wake of the global economic crisis.

Pointing to the huge funding needs of India’s fast growing economy such as the estimated requirement of $500 billion for infrastructure development alone during the current Plan period, Mr. Zagha said: “While our annual lending  in 2010 represents a significant contribution for the Bank Group, it accounts for less than one per cent of India’s gross domestic product (GDP), and is a modest sum given India’s vast needs.”

The increase in Bank commitments is also in line with the guidance from G-20, which had, during the summit of November 2008, directed international financial institutions (like the World Bank) to step up lending to the emerging economies to sustain their growth and thus help global recovery. “India has played a crucial role in kick-starting the global economy by maintaining high levels of growth and it is important for the Bank to have been able to respond to India’s request for additional support,” Mr. Zagha said.

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Criteria for Classical Language Status

Thursday, June 24th, 2010

V.C. Kulandaiswamy

There is lack of clarity even among Tamil scholars on the issue of criteria for according classical status to a language. It is therefore necessary to examine the attributes that qualify a language to be reckoned as classical.

The concept of Classicism had its origin in Europe. The term ‘classical’ is derived from the Latin word ‘classicus’, which belongs to the 2{+n}{+d} century A.D. From Latin, it was adopted in French and later in English from French.

One does not come across a definition of a classical language as such in dictionaries or encyclopaedias. There does not seem to exist anywhere an authoritative list of classical languages.

Some Tamil scholars have given the impression in articles and speeches that the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has an authorised list of classical languages and that it has specified criteria for a classical language. To my letter of December 26, 2007 to UNESCO, I received a reply on January 24, 2007 that it had not established any criteria for designation of classical languages, and that it did not have a list of languages approved as classical languages. “It is a matter which is beyond UNESCO’s mandate,” the letter said.

The Union government, while considering a representation from the Tamil Nadu government for endorsing the classical status of Tamil, approached the Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, for its opinion. The President of the Sahitya Akademi constituted an expert committee under his chairmanship. The committee, in a meeting on September 2, 2004, observed: “It was noted that the criteria for defining a classical language are not mentioned anywhere. But abstracting the standard features of what are universally accepted as Classical Languages (such as Sanskrit, Latin and Greek), it was agreed that the following criteria [mentioned in later paragraphs] be applied in the case of such a designation henceforth.”

It is thus clear that the criteria for granting classical status to a language have not been stipulated explicitly. Against this background, we may consider the basis on which languages such as Greek and Lain were designated as classical languages.

A study of the issue leads us to the finding that the literary contributions of ancient Greece and Rome, in Greek and Latin, were considered by scholars as classical, and these two languages were designated classical languages. In other words, it is the literature that is assessed as classical, and by virtue of the literature, the language is termed classical.

What is the definition of classical literature that forms the basis for a language to be termed classical? The Grolier Academic Encyclopaedia says: “The word classicism in literature refers to those elements of style or content such as reason, clarity, order, restraint and humanitarian outlook that characterised the writing of ancient Greeks, ranging from Homer, Plato and Aristotle.”

The following explanation appears in the Encyclopaedia Brittanica: “When used to refer to an aesthetic attitude, Classicism invokes those characteristics normally associated with the art of antiquity, harmony, clarity, restraint, universality and idealism.”

The criteria for determining classical status are therefore derived from Greek and Latin literature and are not based on any independent design. The characteristics of Greek and Latin literature, by and large, are: Antiquity, Harmony, Clarity, Restraint, Serenity, Idealism, Universality, Reason, Order and Humanism.

The Sahitya Akademi’s expert committee mentioned four criteria for a classical language. One is the high antiquity of early texts/recorded history of over 1500 to 2000 years. The second is a body of ancient literature/texts that is considered a valuable heritage by generations of speakers. The third criterion is that the literary tradition should be original and not borrowed from another speech community. Fourthly, the classical language and literature should be distinct from the modern, and there may also be a discontinuity between the classical language and its later forms or offshoots.

It is seen that the criteria are based only on the characteristics of literature. Kamil V. Zevelabil, European scholar and an exponent of the classical status of Tamil, stated in his book, The Smile of Murugan: On Tamil Literature of South India: “But the early Tamil poetry was rather unique not only by virtue of the fact that some of its features were so unlike everything else in India, but, by virtue of its literary excellence; those 26,350 lines of poetry promote Tamil to the rank of one of the great classical languages of the world” (Pages 1-2). Dr. Zvelebil based his decision only on the quality of the literature.

The term classical is also liberally used in the sense of excellence in quality. In the case of the Japanese language, the literature of the period 794 A.D.-1185 A.D. is considered to be classical. In the case of French, the literature of the latter part of the 17{+t}{+h} century, that is, after the establishment of the French Academy, was considered to be classical. In English, the literature from 1660 to 1714 A.D. was considered classical.

When interpreted as excellence in quality, every language can claim to have a period when its literature could be termed classical. Some Tamil scholars can claim that the Kamba Ramayanam is a work of classical literature: others may stake the claim in favour of Sekkilar’s Periapuranam. These issues are altogether different from this discussion, which is on the set of classical languages of the world — classical languages in the sense in which Greek and Latin are referred to as classical languages.

As mentioned earlier, the concept of classicism is of European origin and we have adopted it. In the case of languages, the criteria are derived form Greek and Latin literature. In any set of criteria formulated, this aspect must be reflected. The criteria specified by the Akademi’s expert committee do not provide for this requirement.

Keeping in mind the universally accepted characteristics of classical literature which qualify a language for classical status, we may for general guidance marginally modify the criteria specified by the expert committee. We may reformulate them, considering all the attributes derived mainly from Greek and Latin literary traditions.

First, the language has high antiquity, of about 1500 to 2000 years, for its literature. Second, it has a body of ancient literature meeting the core attributes of classicism and is held as a valuable heritage bequeathed to humanity. Third, the literary tradition is original and not borrowed from another speech community. Fourth, the classical language and literature being distinct from modern, there may also be discontinuity between the classical language and later forms or offshoots.

(The author, a Sahitya Akademi award winner for Tamil in 1988, is vice-chairman of the Central Institute of Classical Tamil.)

Courtesy: The Hindu

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Bhopal Gas Leakage Tragedy and its Tragic Verdict

Monday, June 21st, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

On June 7th 2010, the nation has had to relive the gruesome memory of the aftermath of that fateful night of December 3, 1984 of Bhopal. Those heartrending cries of helplessness and the spasms of the deadly end that people met — men and women, children and the infirm which outraged the nation and our people — are being played out again to disturb our cozy little cocoons.

After long span of 25 years, Bhopal gas tragedy verdict has been finally announced today by Chief Judicial Magistrate (CJM), Mohan P. Tiwari. The verdict has been issued against the eight accused former employees of U.S based Union Carbide India Ltd. The accused include Keshub Mahindra, Vijay Gokhale, Kishore Kundar, J Mukund, R B Roy Chowdhary,  S.P.Chowdhary, K.V.Shetty and Shakeel Quereshi. They have been convicted under Sec 304(A) “causing death by negligence” and 304 (Part II) “culpable homicide not amounting to murder” of Indian Penal Code.

The long wait of 26 years for justice in the gas leak disaster has come to a shameful end. This has caused a sense of tragedy and betrayal no less in magnitude than the original disaster itself.  It was not confined to the country. In most parts of the world, public opinion and media have castigated the judicial outcome of Bhopal. There seems to be a sense of outrage at allowing Union Carbide’s top brass to get away.

What happened exactly?

In the early hours of Monday, Dec. 3, 1984, a toxic cloud of methyl isocyanate (MIC) gas enveloped the hundreds of shanties and huts surrounding a pesticide plant in Bhopal, India. Later, as the deadly cloud slowly drifted in the cool night air through streets in surrounding sections, sleeping residents awoke, coughing, choking, and rubbing painfully stinging eyes. By the time the gas cleared at dawn, many were dead or injured. Four months after the tragedy, the Indian government reported to its Parliament that 1,430 people had died. In 1991 the official Indian government panel charged with tabulating deaths and injuries updated the count to more than 3,800 dead and approximately 11,000 with disabilities.

The plant was operated by Union Carbide India Limited (UCIL), just over 50 percent of which was owned by Union Carbide Corporation. The first report of the disaster reached Union Carbide executives in the United States more than 12 hours after the incident. By 6:00 a.m. in the U.S., executives were gathering with technical, legal, and communications staff at the company’s Danbury, Connecticut headquarters. Information was sparse but, as casualty estimates quickly climbed, the matter was soon recognized as a massive industrial disaster.

The company claimed that the gas was formed when a disgruntled plant employee, apparently bent on spoiling a batch of methyl isocyanate, added water to a storage tank. The water caused a reaction that built up heat and pressure in the tank, quickly transforming the chemical compound into a lethal gas that escaped into the cool night air.

Ironically, the plant at Bhopal had its origin in a humane goal: supplying pesticides to protect Indian agricultural production. The pesticides made at Bhopal were for the Indian market and contributed to the nation’s ability to transform its agricultural sector into a modern activity capable of feeding one of the world’s most heavily populated regions.

It produced the pesticide carbyryl (trademark Sevin). In 1979 a methyl isocyanate (MIC) production plant was added to the site. MIC, an intermediate in carbaryl manufacture, was used instead of less hazardous but more expensive materials. UCC understood the properties of MIC and its handling requirements.

The night the gas leaked, the company refused to divulge any details of the antidote needed to treat the gas leak victims. From then to now, the government has made no effort to find out what that antidote was, nor has it incorporated the research data collected by Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) to treat survivors.

The 1985 reports give a picture of what led to the disaster and how it developed, although they differ in details.

Causes of the Disaster

Factors leading to the gas leak include:

  1. The use of hazardous chemicals (MIC) instead of less dangerous ones
  2. Storing these chemicals in large tanks instead of over 200 steel drums.
  3. Possible corroding material in pipelines
  4. Poor maintenance after the plant ceased production in the early 1980s
  5. Failure of several safety systems (due to poor maintenance and regulations).
  6. Safety systems being switched off to save money—including the MIC tank refrigeration system which alone would have prevented the disaster.

The problem was made worse by the plant’s location near a densely populated area, non-existent catastrophe plans and shortcomings in health care and socio-economic rehabilitation. Analysts claimed that the parties responsible for the magnitude of the disaster are the two owners, Union Carbide Corporation and the Government of India, and to some extent, the Government of Madhya Pradesh.

Much speculation arose in the aftermath. The closing of the plant to outsiders (including UCC) by the Indian government, and the failure to make data public contributed to the confusion. The CSIR report was formally released 15 years after the disaster. The authors of the ICMR studies on health effects were forbidden to publish their data until after 1994. UCC has still not released their research about the disaster or the effects of the gas on human health. Soon after the disaster UCC was not allowed to take part in the investigation by the government. The initial investigation was conducted entirely by the government agencies – Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) under the directorship of Dr. Varadarajan and Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

In November 1984, most of the safety systems were not functioning. Many valves and lines were in poor condition. Tank 610 contained 42 tons of MIC, much more than safety rules allowed. During the nights of 2–3 December, a large amount of water entered tank 610. A runaway reaction started, which was accelerated by contaminants, high temperatures and other factors. The reaction generated a major increase in the temperature inside the tank to over 200 °C (400 °F). This forced the emergency venting of pressure from the MIC holding tank, releasing a large volume of toxic gases. The reaction was sped up by the presence of iron from corroding non-stainless steel pipelines. It is known that workers cleaned pipelines with water. They were not told by the supervisor to add a slip-blind water isolation plate. Because of this, and the bad maintenance, the workers consider it possible for water to have accidentally entered the MIC tank.

The Repercussion of the leakage

Thousands of people had succumbed by the morning hours. There were mass funerals and mass cremations as well as disposal of bodies in the Narmada river. 170,000 people were treated at hospitals and temporary dispensaries. 2,000 buffalo, goats, and other animals were collected and buried. Within a few days, leaves on trees yellowed and fell off. Supplies, including food, became scarce owing to suppliers’ safety fears. Fishing was prohibited as well, which caused further supply shortages.

A total of 36 wards were marked by the authorities as being “gas affected”, affecting a population of 520,000. Of these, 200,000 were below 15 years of age, and 3,000 were pregnant women. In 1991, 3,928 deaths had been certified. Independent organizations recorded 8,000 dead in the first days. Other estimations vary between 10,000 and 30,000. Another 100,000 to 200,000 people are estimated to have permanent injuries of different degrees. The acute symptoms were burning in the respiratory tract and eyes, blepharospasm, breathlessness, stomach pains and vomiting. The causes of deaths were choking, reflexogenic circulatory collapse and pulmonary oedema. Findings during autopsies revealed changes not only in the lungs but also cerebral oedema, tubular necrosis of the kidneys, fatty degeneration of the liver and necrotising enteritis. The stillbirth rate increased by up to 300% and neonatal mortality rate by 200%.

Medical staffs were unprepared for the thousands of casualties. Doctors and hospitals were not informed of proper treatment methods for MIC gas inhalation. They were told to simply give cough medicine and eye drops to their patients. The gases immediately caused visible damage to the trees. Within a few days, all the leaves fell off. 2,000 bloated animal carcasses had to be disposed of.

“Operation Faith”

On December 16, the tanks 611 and 619 were emptied of the remaining MIC. This led to a second mass evacuation from Bhopal. Complaints of a lack of information or misinformation were widespread. The Bhopal plant medical doctor did not have proper information about the properties of the gases. An Indian Government spokesman said that “Carbide is more interested in getting information from us than in helping our relief work.” As of 2008, UCC had not released information about the possible composition of the cloud. Formal statements were issued that air, water, vegetation and foodstuffs were safe within the city. At the same time, people were informed that poultry was unaffected, but were warned not to consume fish.

Temporary Effects of the Disaster

The leakage caused many short term health effects in the surrounding areas. Apart from MIC, the gas cloud may have contained phosgene, hydrogen cyanide, carbon monoxide, hydrogen chloride, oxides of nitrogen, monomethyl amine (MMA) and carbon dioxide, either produced in the storage tank or in the atmosphere.

The gas cloud was composed mainly of materials denser than the surrounding air, stayed close to the ground and spread outwards through the surrounding community. The initial effects of exposure were coughing, vomiting, severe eye irritation and a feeling of suffocation. People awakened by these symptoms fled away from the plant. Those who ran inhaled more than those who had a vehicle to ride. Owing to their height, children and other people of shorter stature inhaled higher concentrations. Many people were trampled trying to escape.

Long term effects on humanity

Victims of Bhopal disaster started asking for Warren Anderson’s extradition from USA. It is estimated that 20,000 have died since the accident from gas-related diseases. Another 100,000 to 200,000 people are estimated to have permanent injuries.

The quality of the epidemiological and clinical research varies. Reported and studied symptoms are eye problems, respiratory difficulties, immune and neurological disorders, cardiac failure secondary to lung injury, female reproductive difficulties and birth defects among children born to affected women. Other symptoms and diseases are often ascribed to the gas exposure, but there is no good research supporting this.

There is a clinic established by a group of survivors and activists known as Sambhavna. This is the only clinic that will treat anybody affected by the gas, or the subsequent water poisoning, and treats the condition with a combination of Western and traditional Indian medicines, and has performed extensive research.

Union Carbide as well as the Indian Government long denied permanent injuries by MIC and the other gases. In January 1994, the International Medical Commission on Bhopal (IMCB) visited Bhopal to investigate the health status among the survivors as well as the health care system and the socio-economic rehabilitation.

Compensation from Union Carbide

The Government of India passed the Bhopal Gas Leak Disaster Act that gave the government rights to represent all victims in or outside India. UCC offered US$ 350 million, the insurance sum. The Government of India claimed US$ 3.3 billion from UCC. In 1999, a settlement was reached under which UCC agreed to pay US$470 million (the insurance sum, plus interest) in a full and final settlement of its civil and criminal liability. When UCC wanted to sell its shares in UCIL, it was directed by the Supreme Court to finance a 500-bed hospital for the medical care of the survivors. Bhopal Memorial Hospital and Research Centre (BMHRC) was inaugurated in 1998. It was obliged to give free care for survivors for eight years.

Economic rehabilitation

After the accident, no one under the age of 18 was registered. The number of children exposed to the gases was at least 200,000. Immediate relief was decided two days after the tragedy. Relief measures commenced in 1985 when food was distributed for a short period and ration cards were distributed. Widow pension of the rate of Rs 200/per month (later Rs 750) was provided.

One-time ex-gratia payment of Rs 1,500 to families with monthly income Rs 500 or less was decided. Each claimant was to be categorised by a doctor. In court, the claimants were expected to prove “beyond reasonable doubt” that death or injury in each case was attributable to exposure. In 1992, 44 percent of the claimants still had to be medically examined.

From 1990 interim relief of Rs 200 was paid to everyone in the family who was born before the disaster. The final compensation (including interim relief) for personal injury was for the majority Rs 25,000 (US$ 830). For death claim, the average sum paid out was Rs 62,000.

Effects of interim relief were more children sent to school, more money spent on treatment, more money spent on food, improvement of housing conditions. The management of registration and distribution of relief showed many shortcomings.

In 2007, 1,029,517 cases were registered and decided. The number of awarded cases was 574,304 and number of rejected cases 455,213. Total compensation awarded was Rs.1,546.47 crores. Because of the smallness of the sums paid and the denial of interest to the claimants, a sum as large as Rs 10 billion is expected to be left over after all claims have been settled.

33 of the 50 planned work-sheds for gas victims started. All except one was closed down by 1992. 1986, the MP government invested in the Special Industrial Area Bhopal. 152 of the planned 200 work-sheds were built. In 2000, 16 were partially functioning.It is estimated that 50,000 persons need alternative jobs, and that less than 100 gas victims have found regular employment under the government’s scheme.

Today –

16th June 2010

Concerned over the uproar on the Bhopal gas leak judgment, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 14.06.2010 directed the Group of Ministers (GoM), headed by home minister P Chidambaram, to report to the cabinet within 10 days on all aspects relating to the tragedy.  Manmohan Singh directed that the GoM may meet immediately to take stock of the situation arising out of the recent court judgement, to assess the options and remedies available to the government on the various issues involved and to report to the cabinet within 10 days claimed a statement from the prime minister’s office (PMO).

The GoM, set up to look into all issues relating to the Bhopal disaster, was reconstituted recently with Chidambaram as the head of the panel. The empowered GoM also comprises health and family welfare minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, law minister M Veerappa Moily, minister for urban planning S Jaipal Reddy, minister for roads and highways Kamal Nath, tourism minister Selja, minister for fertilisers and chemicals MK Alagiri, minister of state in the PMO Prithviraj Chavan and environment minister Jairam Ramesh.  Madhya Pradesh’s minister in-charge of rehabilitation will be a permanent invitee to the panel.

June 20th 2010

The deluge of information around the Bhopal gas tragedy clearly establishes that everyone let down the victims. But perhaps the biggest failure has been on the part of the state that did not provide proper treatment that the victims deserved. But right from the day of the accident to now, victims and their families have received very little healthcare support despite specific orders by the Supreme Court.

But some have now come forward to claim that the company did have an antidote which they did not share with anyone.

Some employees claim that they were made to stand in front of a basin, water was sprayed into their eyes and a tablet was given to stop the breathlessness and vomiting. So the company’s dispensary had the treatment but they didn’t give it to anyone else outside. If they had then quite a few others would have been saved.

So doctors continued to treat the symptoms caused by the deadly gas like acute breathlessness, eye injuries, vomiting and skin burns. But since the toxic elements that caused them were not treated right at the onset, victims were left struggling with lifelong ailments.

The key reason why this could have happened was shown by a study done on the victims which found that MIC broke down in the body into cyanide which circulated in the blood stream create treatment protocols for the sick.

One of the two monitoring committees set up by the Supreme Court to oversee medical care for the gas tragedy victims said that after 50 visits, 50 meetings and six reports to the apex court, there has been no change in the working of these hospitals.

Even now registration of gas victims was not being done properly Health books of patients containing investigations and prescriptions were not being maintained  Health records of patients prior to the issue of health books is difficult to trace. Funds allocated for procuring medicines were not being spent and therefore, the supply of drugs was likely to dry up soon.

More than 25 years later, there is still no relief for those who survived one of India’s worst industrial disasters. They know that along with Union Carbide, which denied them primary treatment, their own government let them down by its callous indifference.

Litigations

Over two decades since the tragedy, certain civil and criminal cases remain pending in the United States District Court, Manhattan and the District Court of Bhopal, India, against Union Carbide, (now owned by Dow Chemical Company), with an Indian arrest warrant also pending against Warren Anderson, CEO of Union Carbide at the time of the disaster. Greenpeace asserts that as the Union Carbide CEO, Anderson knew about a 1982 safety audit of the Bhopal plant, which identified 30 major hazards and that they were not fixed in Bhopal but were fixed at the company’s identical plant in the US. In June 2010, seven ex-employees, including the former chairman of UCIL, were convicted in Bhopal of causing death by negligence and sentenced to two years imprisonment and a fine of about $2,000 each, the maximum punishment allowed by law. An eighth former employee was also convicted but had died before judgment was passed.

Government Measures

Waking up to a string of injustices to the victims of Bhopal gas tragedy, the government is likely to file a curative petition against the dilution of criminal charges against former Union Carbide officials and move a fresh plea to the US to extradite former chairman Warren Anderson to stand trial in India.

The Group of Ministers (GoM) headed by Home Minister P. Chidambaram that met twice on 18.06.2010 is learnt to have agreed with Attorney General G.E. Vahanvati, who favoured a curative petition against the 1996 Supreme Court verdict diluting charges against the accused to causing death due to a rash and negligent act.

At its first meeting, the GoM discussed the government’s legal options. Chidambaram said they had “reached some tentative conclusions” that would be firmed up in the report to be submitted to the PM.

At its second meeting later in the evening that focused on health-related issues, the ministerial panel also wondered why the Supreme Court appointed trustees — chaired by former Chief Justice of India A.M. Ahmadi — to the Bhopal Memorial Hospital that was set up in the aftermath of the gas tragedy.

Incidentally, Justice Ahmadi headed the SC Bench that diluted the charges against Union Carbide officials, a verdict that reduced the maximum jail term for the tragedy from 10 years to two years. Justice Ahmadi said he had offered to quit but the SC rejected his request.

Sources said the conclusions referred to by Chidambaram included the petition to “cure” the defect in the 1996 verdict and making a renewed bid to seek Anderson‘s extradition.

Planning Commission releases Rs.982 crore for victims

Hours before the Group of Ministers (GoM) headed by Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram met on 18.06.2010, the Planning Commission is understood to have released Rs.982 crore to the Madhya Pradesh government for rehabilitation of the Bhopal gas tragedy victims.

There was no official word on the reported approval of funds. The funds released for sustainable economic and medical rehabilitation of the victims would need the approval of the GoM, official sources said.

It is understood that the GoM will give broad guidelines on the use of the funds.

The State’s proposal, in the shape of an action plan, had been pending for long with the Commission.

It had earlier rejected the action plan on the grounds that the proposals were not convincing.

However, changes and circumstances and public outrage against the low compensation for the victims are understood to have forced the Commission to review its stand and release the funds.

In its proposal, the State government accepted that 16,000 people had died and 5,000 women were widowed in the 1984 disaster due to the toxic waste that polluted theenvironment in and around the abandoned Union Carbide factory in Bhopal.

The action plan for rehabilitation is divided into four components — medical, economic, social and environmental.

It is well-known that the victims received poor medical care. Under the action plan, 40 independent work sheds and a special industrial estate with 152 work sheds — to employ the victims as per their decreased capacities, owing to their medical condition after inhaling the toxic gas — were proposed, but the State government had slipped on this issue.

Rs. 1,500-crore package for Bhopal victims recommended

A road map to address the legal, medical, humanitarian, environmental and other aspects of the Bhopal gas leak disaster was presented on 20.06.2010 by the Group of Ministers (GoM) to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. He has called a special Cabinet meeting for June 25, 2010 to discuss the report.

The GoM recommends a Rs. 1,500-crore package for the victims (Rs. 1,320 crore from the Centre and Rs. 180 crore from the Madhya Pradesh government), enhancing the compensation for the kin of the dead to Rs. 10 lakh, for the permanently disabled to Rs. 5 lakh and for the temporarily disabled to Rs. 1 lakh. It has also recommended that those stricken with cancer and other serious ailments be given Rs. 2 lakh. However, previous handouts will be deducted from the amount payable.

A sum of Rs. 300 crore required for the clean-up operation will be paid by the Centre, but it will continue to pursue the case against Dow Chemical in the Madhya Pradesh High Court in Jabalpur.

The report also recommended fresh steps for extradition of Mr. Anderson and the filing of a curative petition in the Supreme Court to secure enhanced punishment for the guilty.

CBI moves curative petition in Supreme Court

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has moved a curative petition in the Supreme Court challenging the 1996 judgement of the apex court, delivered by the then chief justice A M Ahmadi, that had diluted the charges against the eight accused in the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy.

“The Petitioner (CBI) by way of the present Curative Petition is seeking restoration of the charges of Section 304 Part II of IPC against the Respondents/accused persons which were quashed by this Hon’ble Court without any consideration of the material placed by the prosecution at that stage,” said agency in its petition settled by Attorney General G E Vahanvati. It deals with the stringent charge of culpable homicide not amounting to murder, which attracts maximum punishment of a 10-year jail term. However, due to dilution of the charges, the accused were tried under section 304A of the IPC, which provides a maximum punishment of two years of jail.

“Categorical evidence has now come to light, which unequivocally points to the commission of offences under Section 304 Part II of the IPC by the Respondents/accused persons. The accused persons getting away with minimal charges under Section 304-A, despite categorical evidence pointing to the commission of offences under Section 304 Part II of the IPC has resulted in a colossal failure of justice. This failure of justice adversely affects not only the victims in particular but also the society and the nation as a whole,” said petition drafted by advocate Devadatt Kamat.

It said: “The assumption underlying the deletion of the charges under Section 304 Part II of the IPC breaks down when one takes into consideration the fact that there was structural and operation defects in the Plant — aspects which the Respondents/accused as persons responsible for running the Plant could not have been said to be oblivious of.”

CBI said: “This court failed to consider the fact that the Operational Safety Survey Report conducted by the UCC authorities, which outlined the defects in the plant was also placed on record and it was specifically submitted that the report was sent to Mr. Warren Anderson and to Mr. Keshub Mahindra i.e. Accused No. 1 and 2 respectively.”

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Probe Panel/Commission Report on 1985 bombing of Air India 182-Kanishka in Canada

Monday, June 21st, 2010

Ramya Bharathi

After waiting 25 years for a closure, families of the victims of the worst terrorist attack in Canadian history, the bombing of Air India 182, were on 17.06.2010 told by a Commission of Inquiry that the Canadian government was responsible for failing to act upon credible information indicating that the attack was imminent.

In a scathing report by the Commission, its head, the former Canadian Supreme Court Justice, John Major, noted: “Government agencies were in possession of significant pieces of information that, taken together, would have led a competent analyst to conclude that Flight 182 was at high risk of being bombed by known Sikh terrorists in June 1985.”

Flight 182, nicknamed Emperor Kanishka and operating on the Montréal-London-Delhi-Bombay route, was blown up by a bomb at an altitude of 31,000 feet on June 23, 1985. The Boeing 747-237B aircraft crashed into the Atlantic Ocean in Irish airspace, killing all 329 people aboard, including 280 Canadians – many of Indian origin – and 22 Indians.

The report also issued a sharp criticism of the structure of Canadian security agencies and their lack of coordination. “There is a lack of institutionalised coordination and direction in national security matters.” It added that Canadian agencies had developed a culture of managing information in a manner designed to protect their individual institutional interests.

In particular, the report recommended that the National Security Adviser ought to be given much greater powers to intervene and resolve disputes between the Canadian Security and Intelligence Services (CSIS) and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP).

The Commission argued that the “current practice of attempting to limit the information the CSIS provides to the RCMP in order to prevent its disclosure in potential criminal proceedings is misguided, as disclosure obligations at trial are engaged by potential relevance, not by which agency has seen the information.” It further noted that the result of such efforts to deny intelligence to the police was an “impoverished response” to terrorist threats.

The Commission further criticised the process of the post-bombing inquiry, pointing out that the CSIS often failed to disclose promptly to the RCMP information relevant to the criminal investigation, particularly information from human sources, or it disclosed information without sufficient detail or in a manner that prevented the RCMP from using the information.

The report also attacked the government’s response to victim families. It said Canadian government agencies consistently opposed external review and attempted, “at times successfully,” to avoid or delay such reviews.

Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper on 17.06.2010 assured family members of victims of the 1984 Air India Kanishka bombing that the government would respond “positively” to the recommendations made by an inquiry committee and said compensation would be offered to all.

Mr. Harper met the families of the victims, mostly of Indian-origin, hours after the report was made public.

Government spokesman Dimitri Soudas told the families at a special meeting that the government would respond “positively” to recommendations made by the panel headed by Justice John Major.

In an earlier written response, Mr. Harper said his government launched the inquiry “to bring closure to those who still grieve and to ensure that measures are taken to prevent such a tragedy in the future.”

“We thank Commissioner Major for his work and once again extend our deepest sympathies to the families and friends for the loved ones they lost,” the Prime Minister said.

Mr. Major said his report was so important that the government should also establish an oversight or watchdog body to ensure that his recommendations were implemented.

Inquiry lawyers said the changes would not necessarily incur “astronomical” costs.

Counsel Mark Freiman said the proposals were not aimed at creating a new bureaucracy, but “we need to find a higher level of decision-making” when the legitimate interests of, say, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police collide.”

He said a “lack of effective decision-making and information available” was key to the sequence of actions that failed to prevent the crash.

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To go from mediocrity to excellence in Legal Education in India

Monday, June 21st, 2010

Prof N.R. Madhava Menon

At a National Consultation organised by the Law Ministry during May 1-2, 2010, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described legal education in India as a “sea of institutionalised mediocrity with a few islands of excellence,” and stressed the need for dramatic reform in terms of its scope and quality. He wanted the legal education system to be sensitive to the needs of the marginalised sections of society, particularly in the context of globalisation and the retreat of the state from some of its traditional roles. He felt that in future, domestic legal mechanisms will increasingly interact with both international and foreign legal systems and that the law schools should prepare themselves to face consequent challenges. The reforms he suggested included multi-disciplinarity in legal studies, flexible curricula, improved service conditions for law teachers, continuing education programmes for legal professionals and placement-internship programmes for all students.

This subject has indeed received the attention of several expert committees recently, including the National Knowledge Commission and the Committee on Renovation and Rejuvenation of Higher Education (the Yash Pal Committee). These commissions and committees found three fundamental drawbacks in the objects, structure and content of legal education as it is being imparted in nearly a thousand law colleges in India, most of them functioning in the private sector.

First of all, the objects of legal education in the changing socio-economic context are neither clear nor prioritised. The Advocates Act and the Bar Councils seem to think that the only object of legal education is to produce lawyers to practise in courts. Today, people seek legal education for a variety of purposes: to meet the demands of trade, commerce, industry, governance and international relations. The practising profession itself is getting increasingly internationalised, warranting the study of other legal systems and practices. These multiple goals raise questions of content, structure and regulation.

Currently, the content of legal education is considered to be a function of the regulatory bodies (read Bar Council of India) and the universities are obliged to follow it. This has adversely affected curriculum development in terms of serving the multiple objects of legal education and inhibited innovation and experimentation that are essential for academic and professional excellence. In a sense, it has alienated law schools from its essential function of legal research and development.

Law grows when it engages with society and interacts with other branches of knowledge. Engagement with social problems and movements make legal education relevant and contextual. For this to happen, a liberal, holistic and decentralised approach to curriculum planning and development is necessary, for which each university teaching law should have the primary responsibility. This was the essence of the National Knowledge Commission’s and the Yash Pal Committee’s recommendations. In other words, according to the expert committees the future of legal education will depend on how the role of universities (law schools) is conceived on the one hand, and on what the goals and objects of legal education are determined to be, on the other. Whichever way one looks at the situation, one thing is clear: the existing regulatory mechanism under the Advocates Act, 1961 is far too weak and inadequate to chart the future course of legal education.

Access and equity are important considerations in higher education, and this is particularly so in law education. The Bar Council’s efforts over the last 50 years did succeed in making the so-called legal education accessible to all sections and keeping the costs low for students. But in the process, quality was neglected or allowed to be diluted. Many universities practically avoided their responsibilities, and put the entire blame on the Bar Council. An attempt was made at the instance of the Bar Council to improve quality by introducing the five-year integrated LL.B. programme, and by establishing a series of autonomous National Law Schools. But they have remained islands “in a sea of mediocrity” — as the Prime Minister described it.

The challenge before legal educators and the regulators of higher education today is two-fold.

First, how to promote competitive excellence in a global context in the few National Law Schools and others of its kind that are maintaining some degree of quality in education. Secondly, how to take the mediocre institutions — which are too many in number — to improve their performance towards achieving some degree of professionalism and academic excellence in the shortest possible time.

The major problems cited in this regard are inadequacy of resources including lack of competent teachers in adequate numbers. Given that most of these institutions are privately managed and have very little investment and faculty resources, it is not possible to transform them unless the managements themselves mobilise the finances. Others that are in the government sector, including university departments, can prepare plans for development and seek funds from governments, Central and State. There exists a case to increase tuition fees and development charges while making the institutions provide better teaching and learning facilities to consumers of education.

Finally, if quality is to be improved the key institutions for regulating legal education should be the universities themselves. Let there be competition among universities to deliver quality educational services. The external regulator’s function should be limited to setting goals, setting minimum standards, and facilitating the exercise of academic autonomy by individual institutions. In this regard, the proposal of the Knowledge Commission for a multi-member single regulator involving all stakeholders is an excellent idea that deserves attention. The shortage of teachers can be addressed partly through a flexible approach in faculty composition: this may include more visiting and adjunct teachers, partnership arrangements, contractual engagement of professionals and so on. There could also be an organised plan to prepare teachers by selected institutions with special support from government.

It will take a decade or more to create a research environment in the existing law schools, particularly for cutting-edge research that contribute to law reform and development. Meanwhile, the recommendation of the Knowledge Commission to set up a few advanced research centres that can attract available talent to plan and develop legal research is worthy of immediate attention. This is where the Central government should invest, as it did in the field of scientific and industrial research in the early 1960s and 1970s. They can be networked with the law schools of the region: this will be of mutual advantage.

The initiative on Second Generation Reforms developed by the Union Law Ministry (2010) and the Task Force on Legal Education constituted by the Union Ministry of Human Resource Development should work together to develop a plan of action to push forward the agenda of legal education reforms. This should serve not only the needs of the practising profession but also the emerging demands of society and government for law trained persons. The Judicial Academies training judges should tie up with selected law schools of the region to enrich the content and process of judicial education and training, while providing opportunities to law schools to understand and inform themselves of the problems and challenges of the administration of justice. Bar Councils should set up a chain of continuing legal education centres, similarly tying up with law schools for mutual benefit. What the nation needs now is an organised movement involving legal educators, lawyers and judges, not only to learn the practice of law but to transform law and legal institutions to maximise justice in society and to put legal education at the centre for better governance under democracy and rule of law.

(Professor N.R. Madhava Menon is founder-director of the National Law School of India in Bangalore, the National University of Juridical Sciences in Kolkata and the National Judicial Academy in Bhopal.) Courtesy: The Hindu

The great China-Pak nuclear nexus

Monday, June 21st, 2010

New Zealand will host the annual plenary meeting of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) in Christchurch on June 24, 2010. Though not listed in the formal agenda, the proposed China-Pakistan deal to set up two more nuclear reactors at Chashma is likely to come up.

When China joined the NSG it told the group that the Sino-Pakistan nuclear cooperation agreement permitted China to export the Chashma-2 reactor to Pakistan, small research reactors, and the fuel for these units.

On the basis of previous Chinese statements, the United States is expected to argue that the supply of additional power reactors would not be grandfathered. In that sense, the Christchurch meeting will demonstrate how far China is prepared to abide by its commitments to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the NSG guidelines.

The Indian example is not a precedent since India’s exemption had to go through the US legislative scrutiny and the NSG exemption. Pakistan cannot compare its non-proliferation record with that of India. The exoneration of A Q Khan by the judiciary of charges of unauthorized nuclear trade clearly implies that Pakistani proliferation had the approval of successive governments in Islamabad. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is still to get access to Khan. The proliferation, Iran being uppermost in international concern, started with a Pakistani deal with that country.

While there are fears in the West that Iranian acquisition of nuclear weapons may trigger an arms race in West Asia as Saudi Arabia is likely to go nuclear to counter Iranian proliferation, the impact of likely Pakistani expansion of its nuclear arsenal — exceeding India’s manifold — which has been reported on by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) on the west Asian situation, has hardly received any attention. Iran as a Shia Muslim state suffered half a million casualties at the hands of then Sunni leadership of Iraq and was subjected to attacks with weapons of mass destruction (chemical weapons) at the hands of Sunni Saddam Hussein.

Shias are targets of al-Qaida and its associated Sunni extremist organizations such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad and others. Iran and Pakistan were in a state of covert war when Taliban ruled Afghanistan with Pakistani support. While Pakistan supported the Taliban, Iran supported the majority of Dari speaking people, especially the Northern Alliance. Reports from Washington media indicate that there have been secret missile deals between China and Saudi Arabia after 9/11. Even in the 1980s, as Pakistan assembled its nuclear weapons with Chinese proliferation help, it sold long-range CSS-2 missiles to Saudi Arabia. Those missiles did not make sense unless they had nuclear warheads. Since Saudi Arabia was the financier of Pakistani nuclear programme the logical inference was the Saudi missiles will get the Pakistani nuclear warheads when required.

With the Shia majority rule in Iraq the three Shia states — Iran, Iraq and Azerbaijan, all oil-rich states, are rising in power and influence and this is a morale-booster for the oppressed Shia minorities in Sunni-dominated countries. The Shia-Sunni animosity goes back to the early years of the origin of Islam itself.

The Iranian nuclear ambitions are likely to be more to counter a two-front encirclement of Shias by Sunni Pakistan and Sunni Saudi Arabia. China appears to be taking full advantage of this conflict to make deals for oil with Saudi Arabia as well as Iran by selling them missiles, lending tacit support to Iran on sanctions and providing Pakistan additional capacity to make plutonium warheads to supply Saudi Arabia. Many observers believe the supply of civil nuclear reactors is only a cover for China to continue to sustain its nuclear proliferation to Pakistan going back to Bhutto’s agreement with China in June, 1976. According to the disclosures of two US nuclear scientists, Thomas Reed and Danny Stillman in their book ‘The Nuclear Express’, Chinese even conducted the first bomb test for Pakistan on 26th May 1990 at their Lop Nor test site. So strong is the commitment of China to Pakistan’s nuclear capability.

China has a penchant to carry on successful business in conflict zones like Sudan or Afghanistan. Increased tension in the Af-Paf region or West Asia will make both confronting sides rely on China for missiles. Iran too depends on Beijing to lighten the rigours of sanctions. Now, US scientists have discovered enormous mineral resources in Afghanistan. China is already in the mining business in that country. They will have an interest in ensuring the US and Western multinationals are kept out of this newly discovered mineral treasure. It is time US and its allies looked afresh at the Iranian proliferation issue giving full consideration to the China-Pakistan nexus and the Shia-Sunni divide.

Courtesy: Times of India

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Plan for National Commission for Higher Education endorsed

Sunday, June 20th, 2010

The Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) on 19.06.2010 broadly endorsed the setting up of the proposed National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER) as an apex/regulatory body, entrusted with framing policy, and to bring within its ambit, medical education and other disciplines of higher education and research.

Though there was general consensus at the 57th meeting of the CABE – the highest advisory body to Centre and States on education – it was decided that the State governments and other members could send in written comments and suggestions within four weeks to enable the task force on NCHER to finalise the draft of the Bill, which would then be presented to the Ministry of Human Resource Development (HRD) for consideration. This was done in response to some States expressing apprehension that the move would “infringe” upon their autonomy.

“The task force members will include the minutes of the meeting in their final draft and appropriately place it before the authorities. I hope the task force members who were present at the meeting would have taken note of it,” Union Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal said.

There is a turf war going on between the HRD Ministry and other Ministries over bringing all disciplines of higher education within the purview of NCHER. While the Union Health and Family Welfare Ministry is reluctant to part with medical education, the Law Ministry and the Bar Council of India is opposed to the idea of giving away legal education. Agriculture being a State subject will need Constitutional amendment to be brought under the NCHER.

The proposal for the National Academic Depository Bill 2010, for the creation and maintenance of a national electronic database of academic records and awards, also received a nod at the meeting. It will now be sent to the Cabinet for approval and placed before Parliament in the monsoon session, Mr. Sibal said.

On implementation of the Right to Education, the States expressed some practical problems and demanded that the Centre share at least 90 per cent of the cost. “I told the States that while the sharing pattern was yet to finalised, it would not be possible for the Centre to bear 90 per cent of the cost. However, the concerns have been taken note of,” the Minister added.

Come 2011, all States will have a common curriculum at senior secondary level in science and mathematics, a step that would pave the way for a possible common entrance test for admission into universities. State Education Ministers on 19.06.2010 endorsed the Centre’s move to have a core curriculum in science and mathematics at class XI and XII.

The Council of School Board of Education has already prepared the core curriculum. The State boards can frame their syllabus on the basis of the curriculum.

“The ministers endorsed the core curriculum prepared by the Council. They also endorsed the idea of having a core curriculum in Commerce,” HRD Minister Kapil Sibal said. The core curriculum will bring uniformity in the course content in the school boards. This will give a level playing field to students from urban and rural areas, Mr. Sibal said. It will be helpful in holding a common entrance test for admission into the universities.

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Bill proposed to allow adoption by Single Woman

Sunday, June 20th, 2010

The  Bill  seeking  to amend  the  Guardians  and Wards  Act,   1890  and  the  Hindu  Adoptions  and  Maintenance  Act  1956  to  pave  the way  for  adoption  by  widows and  single  women  will  be passed  in  the  coming  session of  Parliament,   said  Jayanthi Natarajan,   Chairperson  of  the Parliamentary  Standing  Committee  on  Personnel,   Public Grievances,   Law  and  Justice. The  Personal  Laws  ( Amendment)   Bill,   2010,   was  introduced  in  Rajya  Sabha  on  April, 22,   2010  and  referred  to  the standing  committee  for  eliciting  public  opinion  on  the issue.

Talking  to  reporters  after holding  discussions  with  officials  of  the  State  government and  various  Public  Sector  Undertakings  ( PSUs),   Ms.   Natarajan  said  there  was unanimous  opinion  in  favour of  the  Bill.   The committee had already visited Mumbai and Bangalore.

Ms.   Natarajan  said  the  issue of  adopting  a  “ flexible  policy,” with  regard  to  promotion, leave  and  vacation  for  women in  government  jobs,   was  also discussed. “ Many  women  refuse  to  accept  promotional  transfers citing  family  responsibility.

The  committee  has  suggested that  the  PSUs  and  other  government  agencies  could  formulate  a  flexible  promotion and  transfer  policy  for  women employees.”

While  discussing  the  issue of  sexual  harassment  of  women  in  the  workplace,   the  committee  evaluated  whether  the guidelines  set  up  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  Vishaka  case were  being  followed.   She  said the  Centre  was  considering enacting  a  law  in  this  regard and  the  private  sector  could  be covered  at  a  later  stage.

The  meeting  on  19.06.2010  also  discussed  in  detail  the  infrastructure  facilities, appointments  in  subordinate courts  and  the  possibility  of courts  functioning  in  shifts, re- employment  of  retired judges  and  setting  up  fast track  courts  for  speedy  disposal  of  cases  with  regard  to  rape, sexual  harassment  and  cases involving  senior  citizens.

Ms.   Natarajan  said  the  situation  in  Tamil  Nadu  was  better  in  terms  of  infrastructure. Vacancies were filled immediately and judges were given training periodically. She  said  no  representation was  made  to  the  committee  in connection  with  making  Tamil  a  court  language.

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Move to get State Civil Service Officers for IAS

Sunday, June 20th, 2010

The government of India has proposed special examinations to induct young officers recruited through the State Civil Services into the elite Indian Administrative Service (IAS). Faced with a shortfall of at least 560 IAS officers across India, a proposal for the UPSC to hold “limited competitive examinations” to allow young officers serving in the states to join the IAS is under active consideration of the Prime Minister’s Office.

A similar move to make up the acute shortfall of IPS officers through a “limited competitive examination” for young officers in Central Police Organisations (CPOs), Central Paramilitary Forces (CPFs) and state police forces had been firmed up by the Union ministry for home affairs (MHA) in March, 2010.

The proposal had been struck down by the UPSC, prompting the home ministry to approach the PMO to overrule the UPSC’s decision. The Union home minister, Mr P. Chidambaram, will be meeting the law minister, Mr Veerappa Moily, and the minister of state in the ministry of personnel, Mr Prithviraj Chavan, on Friday to elicit their views. The Union home minister, Mr P. Chidambaram, will be meeting the law minister, Mr Veerappa Moily, and the minister of state in the ministry of personnel, Mr Prithviraj Chavan, on 18.06.2010 to settle contentious issues like age criteria, and other modalities involved in holding such exams. “We will be taking the views of the stakeholders to resolve any complications in view of the concerns expressed by the UPSC. A final view will be taken after we study their suggestions,” an Ministry Home Affairs official said.

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The Alarming Oil Spill – Gulf of Mexico

Wednesday, June 16th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

April 20th
A deep-water oil drilling rig known as the MODU Deepwater Horizon exploded and caught fire in the Gulf of Mexico on April 20th 2010 with 126 people on board. At least seven people were critically injured in the 10 p.m. blast about 50 miles southeast of Venice and were receiving medical treatment in the New Orleans area and Alabama, according to the Coast Guard. The Deepwater Horizon was a 9-year-old semi-submersible Mobile Offshore Drilling Unit (MODU), a massive floating, dynamically positioned drilling rig built by Hyundai Heavy Industries that could operate in waters up to 8,000 feet (2,400 m) deep and drill down to 30,000 feet
The incident which shook the world during April this year 2010 has been termed as Deepwater Horizon oil spill (also referred to as the BP oil spill, the Gulf of Mexico oil spill, the BP oil disaster or the Macondo blowout.
The gusher, now estimated to be flowing at 35,000 to 60,000 barrels (1,500,000 to 2,500,000 US gallons; 5,600 to 9,500 cubic metres) of crude oil per day, originates from a deepwater wellhead 5,000 feet (1,500 m) below the ocean surface. It has not been possible to ascertain the exact spill flow rate due to the difficulty of installing measurement devices at that depth and is a matter of ongoing debate. The resulting oil slick covers a surface area of at least 2,500 square miles (6,500 km2), with the exact size and location of the slick fluctuating from day to day depending on weather conditions. Scientists have also reported immense underwater plumes of oil not visible at the surface.

Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano said during a White House briefing that designating the spill as one of “national significance” means that “the US can draw down assets from across the country” to assist with cleanup. She said 1,100 people are working on the cleanup effort, which as on that date had collected 685,000 gallons of oil and water from the polluted Gulf. The White House said 174,060 feet of flotation booms had been deployed to corral the floating oil.

The spill will result in an environmental disaster, with extensive impact already on marine and wildlife habitats. It has also damaged the Gulf of Mexico fishing and tourism industries. With a variety of ongoing efforts to stem the flow of oil at the wellhead, crews have been working to protect hundreds of miles of beaches, wetlands and estuaries along the northern Gulf coast, using skimmer ships, floating containment booms, anchored barriers, and sand-filled barricades along shorelines. The U.S. Government has named the British company BP as the responsible party in the incident, and officials have said the company will be held accountable for all cleanup costs resulting from the oil spill. BP is the operator and principal developer of the Macondo Prospect with 65% of interest, while 25% is owned by Anadarko Petroleum Corporation, and 10% by MOEX Offshore 2007, a unit of Mitsui.

The Deep-water Horizon was drilling an exploratory well at a water depth of approximately 5,000 feet (1,500 m) in the Macondo Prospect located in the Mississippi Canyon Block 252, in the United States exclusive economic zone about 41 miles (66 km) off the Louisiana coast in the Gulf of Mexico. It was at this time that the explosion took place. Production casing was being run and cemented by Halliburton Energy Services. It was due to be tested for integrity and a cement plug set to temporarily abandon the well for later completion as a subsea producer.

In their permit to drill the well, BP estimated the worst case flow at 162,000 barrels per day. On April 28, 2010, based on satellite pictures, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration estimated that the leak was likely 5,000 barrels (210,000 US gallons; 790 cubic metres) a day.

The spread of the oil was initially increased by strong southerly winds caused by an impending cold front. By April 25, the oil spill covered 580 square miles (1,500 km2) and was only 31 miles (50 km) from the ecologically sensitive Chandeleur Islands. An April 30 estimate placed the total spread of the oil at 3,850 square miles. The spill quickly approached the Delta National Wildlife Refuge and Breton National Wildlife Refuge, where dead animals, including a sea turtle, were found.

On May 14, the report said that a publicly available model called the Automated Data Inquiry for Oil Spills indicates about 35 percent of a hypothetical 114,000 barrels (4,800,000 US gal; 18,100 m3) spill of light Louisiana crude oil released in conditions similar to those found in the Gulf now would evaporate, that between 50 and 60 percent of the oil would remain in or on the water, and the rest would be dispersed in the ocean.

By June 4, the oil spill had landed on125 miles (201 km) of Louisiana’s coast, had washed up along Mississippi and Alabama barrier islands, and was found for the first time on a Florida barrier island at Pensacola Beach. On June 9, oil sludge began entering the Intracoastal Waterway through Perdido Pass after floating booms across the opening of the pass failed to stop the oil.

The rig’s blowout preventer, a fail-safe device fitted at source of the well, did not automatically cut off the oil flow as intended when the explosion occurred. BP attempted to use remotely operated underwater vehicles to close the blowout preventer valves on the well head 5,000 feet (1,500 m) below sea level, a valve-closing procedure taking 24–36 hours. BP engineers have attempted a number of techniques to control or stop the oil spill. The first and fastest was to place a 125-tonne (280,000 lb) container dome over the largest of the well leaks and pipe the oil to a storage vessel on the surface. But the effort did not succeed.
BP next tried to shut down the well completely using a technique called “top kill”. The process involves pumping heavy drilling fluids through two 3-inch (7.6 cm) lines into the blowout preventer that sits on top of the wellhead. This would first restrict the flow of oil from the well, which then could be sealed permanently with cement. On May 27, the U.S. Coast Guard, who is coordinating the government response, expressed that engineers had succeeded in stopping the flow of oil and gas into the Gulf of Mexico.

The next contingency option was the Lower Marine Riser Package (LMRP) Cap Containment System. The operational plan first involves cutting and then removing the damaged riser from the top of the failed blowout preventer to leave a cleanly-cut pipe at the top of the BOP’s LMRP. The cap is designed to be connected to a riser from the Discoverer Enterprise drillship and placed over the LMRP with the intention of capturing most of the oil and gas flowing from the well. BP is also working on a system that will allow it to flow oil from the choke and kill valves on the BOP through a subsea manifold to the Q4000 service platform operated by Helix Energy Solutions Group, with processing capacity for about 5,000 barrels (210,000 US gallons; 790 cubic metres) of oil per day. Q4000 will be paired with Sealion Shipping owned well testing vessel Toisa Pisces
Wildlife and environmental groups accused BP of holding back information about the extent and impact of the growing slick, and urged the White House to order a more direct federal government role in the spill response. The spill threatens environmental disaster due to factors such as petroleum toxicity and oxygen depletion. More than 400 species live in the islands and marshlands at risk, including the endangered Kemp’s Ridley turtle. In the national refuges most at risk, about 34,000 birds have been counted, including gulls, pelicans, roseate spoonbills, egrets, terns, and blue herons. As of June 10, dead animals found in the spill zone included 1131 dead birds, 331 sea turtles, 38 dolphins and other mammals, and 1 reptile. There may be other dead animals that go unfound. It is possible the Gulf Stream sea currents may spread the oil into the Atlantic Ocean.

ALABAMA BEACHES
Beaches in Orange Beach, Ala., where large amounts of crude and tar balls washed ashore on Saturday, were mostly clean after crews worked through the night and in the early morning clearing the oil. Clear plastic bags sat in piles, full of sand and tar balls, and some empty stretches of beach were still littered with grapefruit sized tar patties.

FLORIDA’S SHORES
Winds continued to blow two patchy, orange oil plumes from the spill toward the white sands of the western Florida Panhandle in the first week of June 2010, as skimmers worked to collect the crude before it came ashore. The Florida Department of Environmental Protection said one of the slicks is as close as 3 miles south of Pensacola Pass, an inlet next to a stretch of the Gulf Islands National Seashore and the tourist hotels of Pensacola Beach.

Sunday, June 13, 2010
Oil collected on the water’s surface near the site of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. Oil continued to flow from the wellhead some 5,000 feet below the surface. The Coast Guard demanded that BP step up its efforts to contain the oil gushing into the Gulf of Mexico by the end of the weekend, telling the British oil giant that its slow pace in stopping the spill is becoming increasingly alarming as the disaster fouled the coastline in ugly new ways. Workers loaded bags of contaminated sand as they clean up oil from the Deepwater Horizon spill along the beach.

NEW ORLEANS
BP mounted a more aggressive response to the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico as it started deploying undersea sensors to better measure the ferocious flow of crude while drawing up new plans to meet a government demand that it speed up the containment effort ahead of President Barack Obama’s visit to the coast. The financial ramifications of the disaster are growing by the day as the White House and states put pressure on BP to set aside billions of dollars to pay spill-related claims in a move that could quickly drain the company’s cash reserves and hasten its path toward possible bankruptcy.

One of the actions BP took Sunday was to use robotic submarines to position sensors inside the well to gauge how much oil is spilling. The robots were expected to insert the pressure sensors through a line used to inject methanol – an anti-freeze meant to prevent the buildup of ice-like slush – into a containment cap seated over the ruptured pipe. BP was installing the sensors at the request of a federal team of scientists tasked with estimating the flow. The necessary equipment was first identified last week, and the installation procedures were approved over the weekend.

BP is currently capturing about 630,000 gallons of oil a day, but hundreds thousands more are still escaping into the Gulf. The company has said that it could begin siphoning an additional 400,000 gallons a day by burning it using a specialized boom being installed on a rig – and any new success would be welcome news for Obama.

Obama wanted an independent, third party to administer an escrow account paid for by BP to compensate those with “legitimate” claims for damages. The amount of money set aside will be discussed during talks this week between the White House and BP, but the request will most definitely be in the billions.

Waste Management received a contract from BP to transport waste produced by cleanup crews assigned to work the stretch of the coastline. Ken Haldin, a Waste Management spokesman, said Sunday that the company has designated 65 trucks and 535 containers that are being filled with solid oil waste.

Waste Management has designated three landfills in three different states that are operated by the company to handle the oily refuse. Before the refuse is dumped, it has to be analyzed by both the waste removal company and by local government environmental authorities to make sure it is nonhazardous.

Waste Management also is handling some of the liquid waste skimmed from the ocean by cleanup crews, and has set up special equipment, including vacuum trucks, along the docks that separates oil from the water. Once separated, the oil will be resold to oil services companies.

The oil spill is gaining international ramifications with furore growing between the US and the UK. Already during the first week of June 2010, the normally smooth waters of US-British relations were rocked by growing signs of strain over objections to US treatment of the officers and stockholders of BP, a big-oil company listed on the London stock exchange. Some British officials and the London press are of the view that US officials – President Obama topping the list – were increasingly mixing anti-British vitriol into their growing frustration with the formerly “British Petroleum” named, formerly British-owned BP.

On Friday, the European Union announced it was responding to a request by US authorities for various types of booms to help contain the spilled oil.

Sweden, Germany, Norway, the UK, and the European Maritime Safety Agency all responded with offers and are working “flat out” to deliver the equipment as soon as possible. The Netherlands responded to an earlier request by providing three sweeping arms which are already operating in the Gulf.

But the oil leak is also having unanticipated international repercussions, with the US already quietly discussing the Gulf disaster and its potential extended impact with Cuba, the country most likely to be the first non-US victim if the oil slick advances beyond Florida into the Caribbean.

The US, which has modestly expanded contacts with the Cuban government under the Obama administration, has had some low-level discussions with the Cubans about the Gulf oil leak and is keeping channels of communication open in light of the oil’s potential trajectory according to State Department officials.

But some oil experts say the US needs to look beyond the current catastrophe to consider a potential future oil disaster. With Cuba set to commence oil exploration in its northern territorial waters sometime in the next six to nine months, they see a stark scenario under which the US embargo on Cuba would prevent American oilfield and petroleum-technology companies from taking part in any disaster response.

Mr. Piñón, a former Conoco and BP oil executive, says the Obama administration should do for petroleum equipment and services trade with Cuba what the Clinton administration did for agricultural trade – exempt it from the embargo.

An executive order paving the way for US companies to intervene in a Cuban oil disaster was one of the recommendations of a Cuba Task Force organized by the Brookings Institution in Washington. Piñón serves on the task force and co-authored a recent paper analyzing Cuban oil issues in light of the Gulf disaster.
Before the Gulf spill, much of the focus of analysis of Cuba’s move into oil exploration and production was on the impact it will have on the current regime, Cuba’s relations with current oil-supplier Venezuela, and an eventual transition government in Havana.

In the meanwhile, more than 130 lawsuits relating to the spill have been filed.
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European Union in a Changing World

Sunday, June 13th, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

The EU was set up in the aftermath of World War Two to bring peace, stability and prosperity to Europe. Europe’s mission in the 21st century is to:

  • provide peace, prosperity and stability for its peoples;
  • overcome the divisions on the continent;
  • ensure that its people can live in safety;
  • promote balanced economic and social development;
  • meet the challenges of globalisation and preserve the diversity of the peoples of Europe;
  • uphold the values that Europeans share, such as sustainable development and a sound environment, respect for human rights and the social market economy.

The Council of the European Union, which represents the member states, is the EU’s main decision-taking body. When it meets at Heads of State or Government level, it becomes the European Council whose role is to provide the EU with political impetus on key issues.

The European Parliament, which represents the people, shares legislative and budgetary power with the Council of the European Union.

The European Commission, which represents the common interest of the EU, is the main executive body. It has the right to propose legislation and ensures that EU policies are properly implemented.

The ten historic steps taken by the European Union over the years are given below-

  • On 9 May 1950, the Schuman Declaration proposed the establishment of a European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), which came into force with the Treaty of Paris of 18 April 1951. This put in place a common market in coal and steel between the six founding countries (Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands).
  • The Six countries then decided, on 25 March 1957 with the Treaty of Rome, to build a European Economic Community (EEC) based on a wider common market covering a whole range of goods and services. Customs duties between the six countries were completely abolished and common policies, notably on trade and agriculture, were also put in place during the 1960s.
  • Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom decided to join the Community on seeing the success of the Union. This first enlargement, from six to nine members, took place in 1973. At the same time, new social and environmental policies were implemented, and the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) was established in 1975.
  • In 1979, the first elections to the European Parliament were held by direct universal suffrage. These elections are held every five years.
  • In 1981, Greece joined the Community, followed by Spain and Portugal in 1986. This strengthened the Community’s presence in southern Europe and made it all the more urgent to expand its regional aid programmes.
  • The worldwide economic recession in the early 1980s brought with it a wave of ‘euro-pessimism. In 1985 the European Commission, under its President Jacques Delors, published a White Paper setting out a timetable for completing the European single market by 1 January 1993. This ambitious goal was enshrined in the Single European Act, which was signed in February 1986 and came into force on 1 July 1987.
  • The Berlin Wall fell in 1989, leading to the unification of Germany in October 1990 and the coming of democracy to the countries of central and eastern Europe as they broke away from Soviet control. The Soviet Union itself ceased to exist in December 1991. The new Treaty on European Union was adopted by the European Council, composed of presidents and/or prime ministers, at Maastricht in December 1991. The Treaty came into force on 1 November 1993. By adding areas of intergovernmental cooperation to existing integrated Community structures, the Treaty created the European Union (EU).
  • Austria, Finland and Sweden joined the EU on 1 January 1995.  The Berlin Wall was pulled down in 1989 and the old divisions of the European continent gradually disappeared.
  • By then, the EU was on course for its most spectacular achievement yet, creating a single currency. The euro was introduced for financial (non-cash) transactions in 1999, while notes and coins were issued three years later in the 12 countries of the euro area (also commonly referred to as the euro zone).

The euro is now a major world currency for payments and reserves alongside the US dollar. Europeans are facing globalisation. New technologies and ever increasing use of the Internet transform the economies, but also bring social and cultural challenges.

In March 2000, the EU adopted the Lisbon strategy for modernising the European economy and enabling it to compete on the world market with other major players such as the United States and the newly industrialised countries. The Lisbon strategy involves encouraging innovation and business investment and adapting Europe’s education systems to meet the needs of the information society.

Still, unemployment and the rising cost of pensions are putting pressure on national economies, making reform all the more necessary. Voters are increasingly calling on their governments to find practical solutions to these problems.

  • Scarcely had the European Union grown to 15 members when preparations began for a new enlargement on an unprecedented scale. In the mid-1990s, the former Soviet-bloc countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia), the three Baltic states that had been part of the Soviet Union (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), one of the republics of former Yugoslavia (Slovenia) and two Mediterranean countries (Cyprus and Malta) began knocking at the EU’s door.

The EU welcomed this chance to help stabilise the European continent and to extend the benefits of European integration to these young democracies. Negotiations on future membership opened in December 1997. The EU enlargement to 25 countries took place on 1 May 2004 when 10 of the 12 candidates joined.  Bulgaria and Romania followed on 1 January 2007.

Current Scenario

The European Union’s influence in world affairs is on the increase. The process of integration, the launch of the euro and the progressive development of a common foreign and security policy are all providing the EU with political and diplomatic status to match its undoubted economic and commercial clout.

With quite a few strategic foreign policy objectives, the Union first seeks to establish a stable Europe with a stronger voice in the world. The recent wars in Bosnia and Kosovo and the bloody fighting in Chechnya underline how important it is to secure peace, democracy and respect for human rights throughout Europe. Enlargement can help achieve that by creating an internal market of over 500 million consumers and ending the long divide in Europe.

Being the world’s biggest trading partner, the EU is also determined to secure its international competitiveness while at the same time promoting global commerce through further liberalisation of world trade rules – a process that it believes will be of particular benefit to developing countries.

Until recently, there were three main components to the Union’s external activities: trade policy, development aid and the political dimension. The Union now wants to reinforce these capabilities, if and when necessary, trying to use force where its vital interests are at stake and be able to respond more effectively to crises. The significance is not on fighting wars or creating a European army. It means greater cooperation between EU members in carrying out humanitarian and peacekeeping tasks. The Union is also becoming more involved in security issues, taking on greater responsibility for ensuring peace and stability in parts of the world close to its own spheres of influence.

The Union attacks issues ranging from the need to fight the spread of AIDS and famine and to govern migration flows to the campaigns against drugs and terrorism. They all require closer transnational cooperation since the problems of today’s world can only really be solved by working together.

By broadening and deepening its contacts with partners, incorporating economic, trade and political dimensions into those relationships, the European Union is adapting itself  continuously its external policies and priorities.. It can now count on a diversity of interregional partnerships and cooperation agreements with countries on all five continents.

Global commitment

Around a few years ago, the complete panoply of external relations was handled by just two Commission departments. Now there are six. Overall coordination is assured by the External Relations Commissioner, Chris Patten. He is helped by his colleagues who are in charge of sectoral policies – Poul Nielson (Development and Humanitarian Aid), Günter Verheugen (Enlargement) and Pascal Lamy (Trade). He also works in close contact with Javier Solana, the Secretary-General of the Council of Ministers and the first High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).

The Union has an widespread network around the world, which helps it to formulate and implement policy. With quite a lot of foreign embassies in Brussels accredited to the EU, the Commission has over 120 of its own delegations in third countries. Through this the Union’s bilateral links with nations of hugely differing size and wealth are improved, promoting the EU’s policies and values and keeping Brussels informed of developments on the ground.

The EU has regular summit meetings, once or twice a year, with its major partners such as the United States, Japan, Russia and Canada. Both trade oriented and political discussions take place, including ways to protect the environment, tackle international crime and drug trafficking and promote human rights. The Union makes its views known in various multilateral forums such as the United Nations, the World Bank and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and works with them to better secure the common objectives of peace and security.

Common foreign and security policy

The European Union’s common foreign and security policy (CFSP) was introduced in 1993 by the Treaty on European Union (Maastricht Treaty), following over 20 years of political cooperation between the EU countries.

Since then, some 70 common positions have been adopted on foreign policy issues ranging from the Balkans to East Timor and from the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to counter-terrorism. Once adopted, Member States are required to adhere to common positions, which the Presidency defends at the United Nations.

Trade: removing barriers, spreading growth

Since 1999, almost a fifth of all world exports accrues towards the EU making it the world’s biggest trading partner. Since its earliest days, the EU has been committed to removing trade barriers between its individual members on the grounds that this will stimulate economic prosperity and national and individual well-being. It has championed the same principles on the world stage.

The multilateral trading system has been progressively liberalised through a series of international negotiations over the past half-century. During that time, the following has happened

  • world trade has grown seventeen – fold
  • world production has more than quadrupled
  • world per capita income has doubled and
  • average tariffs applied by industrialised countries have dropped from 40 % in 1940 to under 4 %.

The EU believes that multilateral trade liberalisation can yield very substantial benefits for the global economy and that much of this should go to developing regions. This will in turn improve social conditions worldwide.

The Union is one of the strongest advocates of continuing this trend by pressing for as wide an agenda as possible in the next round of World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks involving 137 countries. Despite the setback at the ministerial meeting held in Seattle in December 1999, the EU is still committed to a broad agenda and is convinced the benefits will be significant.

Two European Commission studies conclude that further trade liberalisation could help sustainable development and bring about an annual welfare gain for the world of up to 420 billion euro. Economic growth translates into employment as the Union itself has shown with the creation of half a million new jobs after the abolition of its own internal trade barriers.

This could mean more business opportunities, more efficient allocation of resources and more wealth. Further reductions in tariffs will enable business to better exploit export potential because trade flows will be driven increasingly by quality, price and service and be less impeded by artificial obstacles like tariffs.

World Trade Organisation

EU believes that the next WTO negotiations should not be limited to the narrow agenda of agriculture and services left over from the last Uruguay round. It must cover both traditional topics and new issues to allow all participants to have an interest in the negotiations and meet the needs of the economy of the 21st century.

When a new round of WTO negotiations is launched, the Union believes it should cover at least four main areas if it is to be comprehensive and successful. In the EU’s view, the round should:

  • improve market access across the board, including agriculture, services and non-agricultural products;
  • set rules in a number of new areas such as investment, competition and trade facilitation;
  • focus more on development
  • address a number of civil society concerns, by clarifying WTO rules on trade and environmental agreements, labelling, public health and the application of the precautionary principle.

Japan

The second largest national economy after the United States, accounting for two thirds of Asian GDP and 14 % of the global economy, Japan is one of the Union’s major trading partners and its third largest foreign market. While there had been friction during the 1980s over trade imbalances and the difficulties European firms encountered in exporting to Japan 1991 saw a a constructive relationship between the two partners. There was an approval of an EU strategy in 1995 on Europe and Japan. This will launch a ‘decade of Japan-Europe cooperation’ beginning in 2001 in four key areas: promoting peace and security, strengthening the economic and trade partnership, coping with global and societal challenges and bringing people and cultures together.

One of the Union’s major concerns has been to ensure that European exporters and investors are not prevented from entering the Japanese market by unnecessarily restrictive red tape and bureaucratic regulations. They achieved this since 1995 through the regulatory reform dialogue aimed at removing structural and other obstacles facing exporters. The Union is also keen to see fewer obstacles to European investment in Japan. Japanese direct foreign investment is seven times greater in the EU than European investment in Japan.

Asia

During the past two decades, EU-China trade increased more than 20 fold and was worth 70 billion euro in 1999. China is the Union’s third largest non-European trading partner after the United States and Japan and the EU is China’s fourth largest source of imports. In 1999, the Union became the largest foreign direct investor in the country, excluding Hong Kong, with 4.5 billion euro. It has been a strong supporter of Chinese membership of the World Trade Organisation and has worked closely with the United States to help bring this about. In summer 2000, the two parties completed their lengthy bilateral negotiations on China’s accession to the WTO.

Under the terms of the EU-China WTO accession agreement, China agreed to substantial reductions on import tariffs for over 150 leading European exports, ranging from machinery to wines and spirits. This will make it easier for European distributors and companies to operate in China.

Relations with India too are also moving up a gear as they broaden from dialogue and cooperation to partnership. That shift was epitomised by major initiatives in 2000. These included the first EU-India Summit and wider contacts between officials, policy-makers, opinion formers and civil society.This is in addition to the extensive commercial contacts which already exist. The EU is India’s most important partner in trade, investment and development cooperation. Indian exports to the Union grew from 1.8 billion euro in 1980 to 9.8 billion euro in 1998. Similar growth can be seen in trade going in the other direction which has risen from 2.4 billion to 9.5 billion euro.

Latin America and Mexico

The EU has organised its relations with Latin American countries around the recognition of three sub-regional groups: Central America, the Andean Community and Mercosur, as well as individual countries like Chile and Mexico. The Andean countries enjoy easier access to the European market under the ‘generalised system of preferences’ and the EU works closely with them on a programme to tackle drug trafficking. Caribbean countries enjoy trade preferences with the EU, while Cuba is the only Latin American country not to have signed a cooperation agreement with the Union.

Promoting development, fighting poverty

The Union provides 55 % of all international official assistance, and is by far its biggest trader and foreign investor. It grants non-reciprocal trade preferences, along with more favourable arrangements for the least developed.

The marginalisation of many economies, the increase in poverty in the world, the need to manage better environmental interdependencies, the destabilising effects of migration, and the consequences of armed conflicts, natural disasters and pandemics are major concerns for everyone and Europe’s citizens understandably expect effective EU action in tackling them.

New emphasis on helping the world’s poor

The Union’s fights against poverty is the central thrust of the EU’s development policy efforts as it concentrates its attention on a more limited number of policy areas.

Foreign direct investment into developing countries has soared in the past decade, rising from 29 billion euro in 1990 to 185 billion euro in 1998. But it is unevenly spread. Some 55 % goes to the top five developing nations, while the 48 least developed, many of them in Africa, receive less than 1 %.

The EU limits its activities to those areas where it can offer comparative advantages and added value. It has selected six: trade for development, regional integration and cooperation, macroeconomic policies linked with poverty reduction strategies, reliable and sustainable transport, food security and sustainable rural development strategies, and institutional capacity building to consolidate good governance and the rule of law.

ACP-EU Partnership

The lynchpin of the EU’s development policy is the Cotonou Agreement which binds it with African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries and is the most ambitious and comprehensive agreement between developed and developing countries.

The Cotonou Agreement was signed in June 2000 in the capital of Benin, which is the origin for the informal name of the agreement. It sets out an integrated and comprehensive approach to development, poverty eradication, trade and a political dialogue that includes conflict prevention, human rights and democratisation and issues of mutual concern such as migration. The EU has agreed to implement an immigration and asylum policy founded on the principle of partnership with the originating countries and regions.

The Union has agreed special trade concessions for all least developed countries, of which 39 are signatories of the Cotonou Agreement.

Human rights

The importance which the European Union attaches to respect for human rights around the world was underlined by two developments in 1999. For the first time, responsibility for this area was given to one Commissioner – Chris Patten, the External Relations Commissioner. The second, was the publication of the first annual report on human rights documenting the EU’s policies, priorities and practices in this area.

This commitment to human rights and a legal framework are reflected in the Union’s common foreign and security policy provisions and in its development cooperation programme. Every new agreement between the EU and a third country includes a human rights clause allowing for trade benefits and development cooperation to be suspended if abuses are established.

Recent News

June 11, 2010

The E.U. has moved environmental standards for biofuels used in Europe, requiring biofuels to deliver “substantial reductions” in greenhouse gas emissions and not result in conversion of forests or wetlands, according to a statement from the European Commission.

The plan calls for industry, governments and NGOs to set up “voluntary schemes” which certify that biofuels used in the E.U. meet sustainability criteria. The “sustainable biofuel certificates” will be policed by independent auditors.

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China – Taiwan Conflict

Wednesday, June 9th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

The tensions between China and Taiwan find their roots in the 1949 Chinese revolution, when communists led by Chairman Mao claimed control of the mainland. The then Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek withdrew to Taiwan, with two million refugees, vowing to reclaim the mainland. China’s main motive to keep Taiwan under their jurisdiction is that it will strengthen China strategically. The Communist Government in Beijing has sworn to all the international nations that whatever power required shall be applied keep the island conquered under them. Mainland China has considered Taiwan a renegade province ever since communist forces drove the nationalists off the mainland in 1949. China has repeatedly threatened to use military power against the island if it declares independence and has staged a series of naval exercises off the coast of Taiwan.

The actual conflict arises from The Taiwan relations Act which was established to combat communism and aid in the spread of globalization and capitalism. The Act declares that if any outside Nation attacks Taiwan, the US should come to its defense. Since it was made during the Cold War Era, the situation does not prevail now.

The China Government is ready to support the economic and political stability in entire East Asia but do not want to come into any compromise where Taiwan’s Independence is concerned. While Chinese leaders prefer peaceful means for dealing the pro independence course of Taiwan’s pro independence course, the potential for a major conflict remains high. Whenever the Taiwanese moves towards independence they are backed by the US Neo conservatives. They look up to China as a potential military rival and have been putting greater arms sale from US.

 History

With the incursion of so many refugees in 1949, bitterness grew between the millions of native Taiwanese and the mainland newcomers. The tensions reached such a point that Chiang imposed a “perpetual” martial law over the island for the next 38 years. Thousands of opponents were executed under his rule, and severe restrictions were placed on civil and political liberties.

1945-1949 Civil War

The end of the World War II saw Taiwan being handed over to the control of mainland China, under the Kuomintang (nationalist) government of General Chiang Kai-shek. The move brought to an end more than 50 years of Japanese control.

Chiang left no stone unturned to quickly formalise the island’s status as a province of China. Taiwan itself initially welcomed liberation from Japanese rule, but many quickly came to resent the corruption of the new government and what was seen as the exploitation of Taiwanese resources for mainland post-war reconstruction. Taiwanese industry, which had been closely tied to Japan, was redirected to supply the needs of the mainland and the island’s economy slid into crisis. Unemployment soared and, as protests grew, a brutal crackdown took place in 1947.

This led to the “the White Terror” when an estimated 18,000 – 30,000 members of the island’s native-born political and academic elite were executed as Chiang’s government asserted its control. For decades afterwards the government insisted the action was a crackdown on communists and gangsters.

The war with the Japanese came to an end but not so the civil war on the mainland with Mao Zedong’s communist forces resuming more fiercely than ever with the communists increasingly gaining the upper hand. As defeat loomed hundreds of thousands of Chiang’s soldiers defected to the communist side.

1949-1955 Withdrawal to Taiwan

In October 1949 Chairman Mao’s communists took control on the mainland. Chiang Kai-shek withdrew his Kuomintang army to Taiwan, taking with him China’s entire gold reserves. He was followed by more than 1.5 million refugees who fled with him adding to resentment among native Taiwanese against what they saw as a mainland invasion.

In December Chiang declared Taipei the temporary capital of China, vowing that he would eventually “recover the mainland”. He also issued a decree imposing perpetual martial law – an order not rescinded until 38 years later. As part of the claim to represent all China, all the institutions of mainland government were transferred to Taiwan, including the parliament, which had representatives for all mainland provinces.

Harsh restrictions were imposed on civil and political liberties by Chiang’s government, jailing or executing thousands of opponents and clamping down on the use of native Taiwanese dialects.

Initially the US kept well out of the stand-off between the two Chinas. But with the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 and Chinese troops fighting in Korea, Taiwan was seen as part of the west’s bulwark against communist expansionism. The US poured in money and military supplies. A planned communist invasion in 1950 was thwarted when President Truman ordered the US 7th Fleet into the Taiwan Straits.

U.S. President Harry S. Truman ordered the 7th Fleet into the Taiwan Strait to prevent possible Chinese attack on the island. It was the first time the United States had intervened in the conflict between the island and mainland. The U.S. considered Taiwan a buffer against communist expansion in Asia and provided the island money and military supplies.   

1955-1972 Cold War Fortress

Despite sporadic attacks from the mainland Taiwan enjoyed huge economic growth during the 1950s and early 60s, backed up by massive inflows of US funds and demand for its products.

Domestically President Chiang’s was a increasingly dictatorial ruler, backed up by the military secret service, the Taiwan Garrison Command. Chiang’s position was under challenge from two sides. On the one hand there was growing support for outright independence among the native

During the 1960s some native Taiwanese, upset by the rule of the mainland minority, began to call for independence from China. It was during this time that focus shifted from reclaiming the mainland to developing the island itself.

Taiwanese resented what they saw as minority rule by mainlanders. On the other, there was the ever-present threat of communist invasion.

As the Kuomintang government began to absorb a younger generation of mainlanders and native Taiwanese, the focus slowly began to shift from reconquest of the mainland to the development of the island itself. But much of the real power remained firmly in the hands of President Chiang and his son, Chiang Ching-kuo.

In the late 1960s Taiwan began to lose out to the shifting tide of Cold War politics. Washington and Beijing developed closer ties to counter what they saw as Soviet expansionism and it seemed that Taiwan was losing the support of its principal international backer.  But it was also during this period that the U.S. and other countries began improving relations with China as a way to prevent Soviet expansionism

In 1971 with international favour swinging towards Beijing, Taipei lost possession of China’s seat on the UN Security Council to the mainland government. In disgust Chiang walked out of the UN.

1972-1986

Yet another hard blow came by Taiwan when US President Richard Nixon’s made his historic visit to China in 1972, paving the way for Washington and Beijing to establish diplomatic relations seven years later. Under its “one China” policy Beijing insisted that countries wanting to establish diplomatic relations must automatically break off official ties with Taipei and during the 1970s other western countries and their allies followed Washington’s lead.

To counter act this, pro-Taiwan members of the US Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, allowing for the sale of defence equipment to Taiwan and providing vague guarantees for the island’s security. Nonetheless as China made its way onto the world stage Taiwan found itself increasingly pushed off it.

President Chiang died in 1975 and three years later his son replaced him as president, raising opposition alarm that the appointment heralded the start of a Chiang dynasty.

In 1979 opposition groups organised a protest rally in the southern city of Kaohsiung to mark International Human Rights Day.

The United States formally recognized the People’s Republic of China, severing official diplomatic relations with Taiwan, now under the rule of Chiang’s son, Chiang Ching-kuo. The U.S. move meant that America accepted Beijing’s “one China” mandate and abandoned its defense pact with the island. Within months, though, the U.S. Congress reinstated unofficial economic ties with Taiwan, including the sale of arms.

Democratic movements began to stir on Taiwan in 1979. A rally in the southern city of Kaohsiung turned violent and was crushed by police. The leaders were arrested and later defended by a little-known, but successful, maritime commerce lawyer named Chen Shui-bian. Chen, twenty years later, would become the first non-Nationalist party elected Taiwanese president.                                                                     

During the 1980s a series of financial scandals rocked the Kuomintang government and criticism grew of Taiwan’s continued one-party rule. In 1985 Chiang opened talks with the domestic opposition and a year later Taiwan’s first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party, was born.

1986-1999 Path to Democracy

During the 1980s the process of democratisation became increasingly brisk. The dropping of martial law in 1987 and the death of President Chiang Ching-kuo a year later opened the door to a new era of Taiwanese politics as Lee Teng-hui became the island’s first native-born president.  Taiwan dropped its martial law in 1987, only a year before the death of Chiang Ching-kuo. On Chiang’s death, Vice President Lee Teng-hui became the first native islander to become president, and in 1990, the National Assembly elected him to a full six-year term.

In 1989 as pro-democracy protests swept China, Taiwan held its first elections in which parties other than the Kuomintang were allowed to stand. A year later surviving members of parliament representing provinces on the mainland were retired, ending Taipei’s claim to be the government of all China.

Taiwan’s confidence increased. It began to court diplomatic ties, offering trade and aid in return. Dialogue also developed with Beijing but moves towards Taiwan asserting its de facto independence drew angry reactions from the mainland.

Lee tried to strengthen diplomatic relations with countries around the world, including the U.S. In 1995 relations threatened to boil over when President Lee’s visit to the US and the build up to Taiwan’s first democratic presidential elections sparked a tense military stand-off. Many in Taiwan said the mainland was trying to influence voting in the election by the show of force.

The U.S. responded by sending warships to the straits, in what would become the largest show of naval force since the Vietnam War. President Clinton ordered to aircraft carrier battle groups to patrol the area. The elections went forward as planned and Lee decisively won a second term.               

With President Lee re-elected by popular mandate in 1996, Taiwan’s relations with the mainland continued on a rollercoaster ride. Economic links slowly expanded but Beijing remained edgy about Taiwan acting as an independent state. Any hint that Taiwan was moving towards independence produced warnings of military intervention.

The Hong Kong handover

In 1997, as Britain prepared to return control of Hong Kong to China, Taiwan conducted live military exercises in the Straits. Experts said it was to demonstrate that Taiwan would not quietly follow the Hong Kong example. The United States began shipping fighter jets to Taiwan that year, and on the island itself the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party won municipal elections.

In 1999, President Lee announced that Taiwan enjoyed a “special state-to-state relationship” with China. This statement of implied state sovereignty angered Beijing. Taipei backed away from the position, but talks between the two leaderships were cut off.     

2000-2002 Independence Dilemma

A new rift between Taiwan and China was threatened by the election to the presidency in March 2000 of Chen Shui-bian of the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

But Chen, a former lawyer with a populist touch, took care not to antagonise Beijing during the election.

He promised not to declare independence so long as Beijing did not use force against Taiwan. He also pledged not to hold a referendum on independence or reunification and offered several concessions and gestures towards China, such as opening up direct trade links.

But China remained distrustful of Chen’s motives, regularly claiming his real ambition was to attain full independence for the island.

The lack of progress with China, which continued to refuse to hold talks with Chen, may have prompted him to take a harder line.

In August 2002 he made a veiled threat to hold a referendum and referred to China and Taiwan as each being a country on either side of the Taiwan Strait – “one side, one country”.

China has always seen Taiwan as a renegade province and Mr Chen’s comments were seen by some as a coded call for formal independence.

Analysts said the comments appeared to have been designed to win the support of independence activists inside the DPP. But with China hanging on his every word, Mr Chen must have known his comments would infuriate Beijing too.

A Timeline of Relations between Taiwan and China

1949 – Communist forces led by Mao Zedong defeat Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists, driving him and more than a million followers to Taiwan. Chiang sets up a government-in-exile and vows to “recover the mainland”.

1954 – The U.S. signs a mutual-defense treaty with Taiwan.

1958 – China attacks the island of Quemoy, a base for about 100,000 Nationalist troops in the Taiwan Strait, in a bid to “liberate” Taiwan. The U.S. deploys the Seventh Fleet; the Chinese back off.

1971 – Taiwan is expelled from the United Nations and its seat given to China, following a secret visit to Beijing by the then U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

1972 – U.S. President Richard Nixon visits China, paving the way for the resumption of full diplomatic relations between the two nations and leading to the end of formal U.S. ties with Taiwan.

1979 – The U.S. cuts formal links with Taiwan and agrees to abide by Beijing’s “one China” policy

1987 – Taiwan lifts martial law after 38 years and allows its nationals to visit relatives in China for the first time

1988 – Lee Teng-hui becomes the island’s first native Taiwanese President, and democratic reforms begin to take hold

1989 – China fears that Taiwan will declare a formal split after the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) fares well in parliamentary and local-government polls.

1993 – The first high-level talks between China and Taiwan take place in Singapore

1995 – A visit to the U.S. by President Lee prompts China to perform missile tests and military exercises in the Taiwan Strait just before the island’s first presidential election by universal suffrage. Lee wins.

1999 – Lee infuriates Beijing by saying China and Taiwan enjoy a “special state-to-state relationship,” implying that Taiwan is an independent sovereign nation.

2000 – DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian, also a native Taiwanese, is elected President, ending more than 50 years of Kuomintang rule.

2001 – Taiwan eases restrictions on its companies wanting to invest in China. Two journalists from the mainland’s Xinhua News Agency become the first Chinese reporters to visit Taiwan under the island’s new “open door” policy

2002 – President Chen defines the status quo as “one country on each side of the Taiwan Strait,” sparking criticism from Beijing and his domestic opponents

2003 – A Taiwan airliner makes the first civilian flight to the mainland since 1949. Chen, meanwhile, announces plans for a referendum on election day on March 20, 2004, to ask voters whether the island should increase its defense budget and engage in dialogue with Beijing

2005 – Taiwanese and Chinese airlines fly the first nonstop charter flights between the two sides for the Chinese New Year.

2008- Taiwan Presidential election

Shortly after its legislative elections, Taiwan held a presidential election on March 22, 2008. Former President Chen Shui-Bian was a second-term incumbent, and thus barred from re-election. The two official candidates were the Democratic Progressive Party’s Frank Hsieh and the Kuomintang’s Ma Ying-Jeou. Ma Ying-Jeou won the election by a large margin

Today’s Scenario – May 26, 2010

A Chinese ballistic and cruise missile buildup targeting Taiwan could ultimately undermine the strategic security of other nations in Asia as well as the United States, certain reports.

China is believed to have more than 1,000 missiles trained on Taiwan. While Taiwan has an autonomous government, Beijing claims the island state as its territory and has threatened to use force should it pursue formal independence.

“Driven in large measure by a Taiwan scenario, China’s capacity to conduct a successful aerospace campaign to quickly gain a decisive advantage in the air is growing faster than the defenses that its neighbors, including Taiwan, Japan, perhaps India, and even U.S. forces operating in the Western Pacific, can field,” the Washington Times quoted the report, Evolving Aerospace Trends in the Asia-Pacific Region, as stating.

Highly accurate long-range missiles developed by Beijing “are altering the strategic landscape,” the document says, noting that such weapons include ground-launched cruise missiles and ballistic missiles with non-nuclear warheads.

Because of their speed, precision, and difficulties in fielding viable defenses, these systems — if deployed in sufficient numbers — have the potential to provide [China] with a decisive military edge in the event of conflict over territorial or sovereignty claims as per analysts Ian Easton and former Air Force Maj. Mark Stokes.

The analysts add that the buildup could prompt China’s neighbors to seek similar defense capabilities and that China’s missile-based strategy has the potential to start an arms race in long-range precision strike capabilities.

China has also begun work on a ballistic missile that could target an aircraft carrier, according to the assessment.

The nation has deployed short-range missiles to installations at Ganzhou, Jinhua, Leping, Meizhou and Yongan, and medium-range missiles to bases at Chuixiong, Chizhou, Kurle, Laiwu and Qimen, the document states.

The country has placed land-based cruise missiles at its Guiyang, Liuzhou and Yichun bases, the analysis asserts.

The report warns that over time, the same capabilities arrayed against Taiwan could be brought to bear in pursuit of other sovereignty claims around the country.

Combined with improvements to China’s air capabilities and regional monitoring systems, its missile development has “profound strategic implications for the U.S.,” according to the document. Reporters warn that given the certainty of the Asia-Pacific to U.S. global interests, China’s aerospace development certainly warrants further attention.

China is this month to carry out its largest military exercises of the year aimed at sending a ’substantial warning’ to Taiwan separatists. While a recent Pentagon report warns that China is considering further coercive moves, Beijing accuses the United States of fabricating a ‘China threat’ to continue arms sales to Taiwan.  Although cross-straits relations have improved in recent months, with Beijing and Taipei seeking closer business links, muted saber rattling continues.

The China Taiwan Conflict seems to go a long way before any constructive measures are taken on both sides.

 

*****

Parliamentary Procedures of India – Part 1

Friday, June 4th, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

Dear Indian Civil Services Aspirants,
This Article on the Parliamentary Procedures of India will be of immense use for your preparation to the Civil Services Exams and subsequent personality test. Best wishes for your success. Go ahead:

Parliamentary procedure, often used interchangeably with “parliamentary law,” is more correctly defined as parliamentary law in combination with the rules of order that a given assembly or organization has adopted.

Parliamentary law is:
1. rules of the game of democracy.
2. rules that govern procedures by which civil and criminal laws are made and adopted.
3. rules and customs that govern deliberative and decision-making assemblies and organizations.

Principles
Parliamentary law is based upon
1. the will of the majority;
2. the right of the minority to be heard;
3. protection of the rights of absentees;
4. courtesy and justice for all; and
5. consideration of one subject at a time.

Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in the Rajya Sabha contain various procedural devices to enable members to raise matters of public importance on the floor of the House. By conventions and practices some other devices have also developed without having any specific sanction of the rule book.

According to the Constitution of India, the union legislative body is called the Parliament. Also called as Sansad in Hindi, the Parliament includes the President and the two Houses – the Council of States (Rajya Sabha) and the House of the People (Lok Sabha). This kind of system, with two Houses, is called a bicameral legislature.

Rajya Sabha:
The Upper House of Parliament is the Rajya Sabha (Council of States). It has a maximum of 250 members, out of which 12 members are nominated by the President for their expertise in specific fields of art, literature, science, and social services. The remaining 238 members are elected by the States and Union Territories.
Every member serves for a term of six years. At the end of two years, one third of its members retire. The Rajya Sabha is a permanent body and unlike the Lok Sabha, it cannot be dissolved at any time. Both Houses have equal legislative powers. But in the area of finance the Lok Sabha is given overriding powers. The Vice-President of India is the ex-officio Chairman of the Rajya Sabha. A Deputy Chairman is however elected from among its members, who take care of the day-to-day working of the House.

Lok Sabha:
The Lok Sabha (House of the People) is the Lower House of the Parliament. The members are directly elected by the people of the country. Eligible candidates are all citizens who have attained 18 years of age and are otherwise not disqualified to vote under the law. The maximum strength of the Lok Sabha can be 552 members. While up to 530 members can represent territorial constituencies in the states, up to 20 members would represent the Union Territories, and two members would be appointed by the President to represent the Anglo-Indian community if there is inadequate representation of the community. The minimum age for qualification as a member of the Lok Sabha is 25 years. Each Lok Sabha is formed for a period of five years, at the end of which the House is dissolved. The House can be dissolved before the completion of the term or it can be extended by a Proclamation of Emergency. The period of extension cannot exceed one year at a time. A Speaker and a Deputy Speaker, elected by the members of the Lok Sabha, conduct day-to-day business. The Deputy Speaker presides during the absence of the Speaker.

Government of India
The formal, constitutional head of Republic of India is the President. Once the Lok Sabha elections are over, the President invites the leader of the party or parties with the majority of votes in the Lok Sabha, to form the Government. The President appoints the leader of the majority party as the Prime Minister and on the advice of the Prime Minister appoints other ministers. The ministers can be chosen from both Houses of Parliament.

The political power is vested with the Prime Minister and his team of ministers. The Council of Ministers constitutes the Government of India and the government is headed by the Prime Minister. The Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister, is responsible for the governance of the country and is collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha. If the Lok Sabha passes a motion of no-confidence against the Council of Ministers, they are under constitutional obligation to resign. As the leader of the majority, the Prime Minister is also the Leader of the House. He has to perform certain parliamentary functions like proposing dates of calling the House in session to the Speaker and drawing up programme of the official business.

The leader of the largest party in opposition in each House is designated as the Leader of the Opposition.

Functions of Parliament
Where India is concerned, the members of the Parliament also belong to the Council of Ministers. There is an overlap of the legislative and executive functions for several members. For those members who are part of the Council of Ministers, there is an additional responsibility of the executive as compared to those who are not in the Council of Ministers.

The broad functions of Parliament can be described as follows:
1. Legislative: To pass laws
2. Supervisory: To ensure that the executive (i.e. government) performs its duties satisfactorily.
3. Representative: To represent the views and aspirations of the voters in Parliament.
4. “Power of the Purse”: To approve and oversee the revenues and expenditures proposed by the government

President’s role
The President is directly elected by an electoral college that includes elected members of both Houses of Parliament and the elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States. The President performs certain constitutional functions:
1. He summons the two Houses of Parliament to meet from time to time.
2. He has the power to discontinue a session in the two Houses and dissolve the Lok Sabha.
3. The President has to agree to sign a Bill before it can become a law.
4. If the Houses are not in session, the President can enact or promulgate Ordinances having the same validity as a law passed in Parliament.
5. The President has the power to appoint Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of Rajya Sabha on an interim basis.
6. The President has the right to address either or both Houses of Parliament.
7. The President has the power to call both Houses for a joint sitting in case a dispute arises over passing a Bill. In the joint sitting, the matter is decided by majority vote.
8. He nominates 12 members of the Rajya Sabha and has the right to nominate two members from the Anglo Indian community to the Lok Sabha if they are under-represented.
9. He invites the leader of the majority party to form the Government after a new Lok Sabha is duly elected.

Special powers of Rajya Sabha
1. Rajya Sabha can declare that it would be in the national interest for the Parliament to make laws on any subject in the State List ; and
2. Rajya Sabha is empowered to make laws creating one or more All India Services, which would be common to the Union and State, if it is deemed to serve the national interest.
3. The services such as the Indian Administrative Service, Indian Police Service, and All-India Judicial Service are part of the All India Services.

Qualifications and disqualifications for being a Member of Parliament
To be qualified to become a Member of Parliament a person must be:
1. a citizen of India;
2. not less than 30 years of age in the case of the Rajya Sabha
3. not less than 25 years in the case of the Lok Sabha; and
4. a voter for any parliamentary constituency in India, (in the case of the Rajya Sabha a candidate must be registered as an elector in the State or Union Territory from where he is to be chosen).

There are, however, certain disqualifications for becoming a member. A person would be ineligible for being a member of either House of Parliament if the person:
1. holds any office of profit under the government other than an office declared by Parliament by law not to disqualify its holder;
2. is of unsound mind;
3. is an un-discharged insolvent;
4. has ceased to be a citizen of India;
5. is so disqualified by any law made by Parliament;
6. is so disqualified on the ground of defection

Besides, certain laws enumerate further disqualifications. Also a person should not have been convicted or punished, among other things,
1. for promoting enmity between different groups or convicted for the offence of bribery
2. for preaching and practising social crimes such as untouchability, dowry, sati,
If he has been punished or convicted because of the above charges, he will be disqualified from being chosen as a member. There are also disqualifications on the ground that the person is convicted for an offence and sentenced to imprisonment; and for a government servant dismissed for corruption or for disloyalty to the State.

Definition of a Bill
The Parliament or the central legislative (or law making) body has as one of its primary functions that of making laws. Any legislative proposal can be brought before the Parliament. The draft of a legislative proposal is known as a Bill. For a Bill, whether it is introduced by the Government or a private member, to become law or Act of Parliament it should receive the approval of the President of India.

Types of the Parliamentary Bills
Broadly, there are two types of Bills:
1. Government Bills: Any Bill initiated by the government is a Government Bill.
2. Private Members’ Bills: If the Bill is sponsored by any private member (a member who is not part of the Council of Ministers is referred to as a private member) in either House of Parliament, it is known as a Private Members’ Bill.

Although most laws are made through Government Bills, the Private Members’ Bill serves the purpose of highlighting any changes needed in the existing law or the need for a particular legislation.
Bills may be further classified on the basis of their content.

1. Ordinary Bills: Any Bill which is not a Constitution Amendment Bill or a Money Bill is classified as an Ordinary Bill.
a. Original Bills (embodying new proposals, ideas or policies),
b. Amending Bills (to modify, amend or revise existing Acts),
c. Consolidating Bills (to consolidate existing law on a particular subject),
d. Expiring Laws (Continuance) Bills (to continue an expiring Act), and
e. Bills to replace Ordinances issued by the President.

2. Money and Financial Bills: Money and Financial Bills are treated separately from these Bills, because of their special features.

3. The Constitution (Amendment) Bills: These refer to Bills that seek to amend the Constitution of India

Drafting of a Parliamentary Bill
The legislative proposal or the Bill should be drafted by the concerned ministry after weighing the various political, administrative, financial, legal and constitutional implications. This is done after consultation of the other ministries or State governments. Advice is also sought from the Ministry of Law, the Attorney General of India, and other interest groups. The Ministry, then, prepares a proposal and examines it thoroughly before submitting it to the Cabinet. Once the Cabinet approves the proposal, it is given the shape of a Bill to be brought before the House.

Passage of an Ordinary Bill in Parliament
A Bill goes through three readings in both Houses before it becomes an Act.
First Reading: During the First Reading, the Bill is introduced by the minister in-charge after the Speaker grants permission to do so. The Bill is then published in the Gazette of India. If the Bill has already been published in the Gazette with the Speaker’s assent, the stage of introducing the Bill in the House can be bypassed.

Second Reading: The Second Reading is the most vital stage for the Bill because it is scrutinized thoroughly during this period. This Reading is divided in two stages.

First Stage in Second Reading:
Initially, only the principles of the Bill are discussed. There is no in-depth discussion about the details of the Bill. The Bill may be
• referred to a Select Committee of Lok Sabha,
• to a Joint Committee of the Houses with the concurrence of Rajya Sabha and/or
• It may be circulated for the purposes of eliciting opinion. These committees are appointed on a temporary basis in order to consider particular Bills referred to them.

At this time, either of the two Houses might refer the Bill to Departmentally Related Joint Standing Committee of both Houses. This Committee also considers the Bill clause by clause and its members can move amendments to various clauses. The Committee can also take evidence of experts, associations or public bodies who are interested in the subject. After each clause and schedule have been considered and adopted by the Committee, the Lok Sabha Secretariat prepares a report. This report is presented to the House for its consideration.

Eliciting Opinion:
The Parliament may pass a motion that a Bill should be circulated to elicit the opinions of local bodies, associations, individuals or institutions. In such a case, the Secretariat of the House circulates letters to all the state governments and Union Territories asking them to publish the Bill in their respective local Gazettes. The period for eliciting opinion is generally mentioned in the motion. If no mention is made, the State governments have to send the opinions within three months of adopting the motion. The opinions are then tabled in Parliament. The Bill again passes through the Committee stage. At this point, the House can debate on the Bill as reported by the Committee. The debate is confined to the Bill as reported by the Committee.
The Second Stage: After the House decides to debate the Bill as reported by the Committee, the members discuss each clause of the Bill separately. They can also amend the clauses. This is a long process where each clause and amendment is discussed, adopted or rejected by the House. If an Amendment is accepted, it becomes a part of the Bill.

Third Reading: At this stage, the Bill is discussed solely to determine whether to approve or reject it. Only certain verbal, formal and consequential amendments are allowed to be moved at this stage. In order to pass an Ordinary Bill, the simple majority of members present and voting is required.
Once the Bill has been approved by the originating House, it is sent to the other House. It goes through all the three stages again. In case a Bill is passed by the originating House but rejected by the other House, the President has the power to call a joint sitting of the two Houses. The decision to accept or reject a Bill is taken by the majority of the total number of members of both Houses present and voting.

After both Houses of Parliament passes a Bill, it is presented to the President for his assent. If the President does not agree to sign the Bill, it is rejected. However, the President generally acts on the advice of the Council of Ministers, so he generally does not withhold consent against the advice of the ministers. He has the right to seek information and clarification about the Bill. If the President gives his assent, the Bill becomes an Act.

Money Bill
According to the Constitution of India, a Bill is considered to be a Money Bill if it contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following matters, namely:
(a) the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax;
(b) the regulation of money borrowed by the Government of India or any guarantee given by the Government of India. The Bill can also consider amendment of the law with respect to any financial obligations undertaken or to be undertaken by the Government of India;
(c) the custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund of India , the payment of moneys into or the withdrawal of moneys from any such Fund;
(d) the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India;
(e) the declaring of a new item to be expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India. Also, if there is any increase in the amount of any such expenditure;
(f) the receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund of India or the public account of India or the custody or the issue of such money or the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State; or
(g) any matter incidental to any of the matters specified in sub-clauses (a) (f)

Only on the recommendation of the President, the Money Bill can only be introduced in the Lok Sabha. Also, the Speaker of the House has the final authority to decide whether a Bill is a Money Bill or not. A Money Bill cannot be introduced in Rajya Sabha nor can it be referred to a Joint Committee of Houses or be considered at a Joint Sitting of the two Houses.

After being passed in the Lok Sabha, the Bill is sent to the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya Sabha may not amend Money Bills but can recommend amendments. A Money Bill should be returned to the Lok Sabha within 14 days or the Bill is deemed to have passed both Houses in the form it was originally passed by the Lok Sabha. The Lok Sabha has the discretion to accept or reject the recommended Amendments made by the Rajya Sabha. The President does not have the power to return a Money Bill for reconsideration unlike an Ordinary Bill.

Financial Bill
Any Bills relating to revenue or expenditure is a Financial Bill. Those Bills which make provisions for any of the matters specified in the Money Bills but do not contain solely those matters are known as Financial Bills. For e.g. a Bill contains taxation clause, but does not deal solely with taxation. Financial Bill also includes matters involving expenditure from the Consolidated Fund.

Differences between a Money Bill and a Financial Bill
1. All Financial Bills are not Money Bills.
2. A Financial Bill is considered to be a Money Bill solely when it contains matters specified in the Constitution for a Money Bill.
3. Only those Financial Bills would be considered as Money Bills, which are certified by the Speaker.
4. A Financial Bill, which contains any matters specified for a Money Bill but does not deal exclusively with such matters, has two features in common with a Money Bill:
5. It cannot be introduced in the Rajya Sabha
6. It cannot be introduced except on the recommendation of the President.
7. But, if the Bill is not classified as a Money Bill, the Rajya Sabha has full powers to reject or amend it as it does in the case of Ordinary Bill. In case of disagreement over a Bill between the Houses, the President can call for a joint sitting to resolve the deadlock.
8. A Financial Bill, which involves expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India, is treated in the same manner as an Ordinary Bill. Hence, it can be introduced in both the Houses and the Rajya Sabha has the full power to reject or amend it. It also does not require the recommendation of the President for its introduction. However, the President’s recommendation is necessary before the Bill can be passed by both the Houses.

Appropriation Bill
As the name suggests, the Appropriation Bill seeks to give legal authority to the Government to appropriate expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India. The Constitution says that no money can be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund without the enactment of law by the Parliament. A Bill that incorporates all the demands for grants voted by the Lok Sabha as well as the expenditures charged on the Consolidated Fund, is introduced in the Lok Sabha. This Bill is known as the Appropriation Bill. It is passed in the same manner as any other Bills. But no amendments can be proposed to the Bill. After the Bill is passed by the Lok Sabha, the Speaker certifies it as a Money Bill. Rajya Sabha can make recommendations over the Bill but it does not have the power to amend or reject the Bill. Thereafter, the Bill is presented to the President for his assent.

Finance Bill
The Finance Bill incorporates all the financial proposals of the Government for the following year. It is ordinarily introduced in the Lok Sabha every year, immediately after the Budget is presented. Discussions on the Bill are restricted to matters relating to general administration and local grievances within the sphere of responsibility of the Union Government. No discussion is permitted on the details of particular estimates. This Bill has to be considered and passed by the Parliament and assented to by the President within 75 days after its introduction. This Bill is certified as a Money Bill. Thus, Rajya Sabha can only make recommendations to the Bill. It is up to the Lok Sabha to accept or reject such recommendations.

Bill becoming an Act
Firstly, a Bill has to be approved by both Houses of Parliament. Once the Bill is approved, it is sent to the President for his assent. No Bill can become an Act without the assent of the President.

Amendment of the Constitution of India
The Parliament has the power to amend the Constitution of India through a set of procedures laid down in Article 368. It is initiated by introducing a Bill in either House of the Parliament. Such a Bill may be introduced either by the government or a private member. Generally, Constitution (Amendment) Bills brought forward by a minister are introduced in the Lok Sabha. The Constitution (Amendment) Bill goes through three stages of reading before the Bill is passed. Articles of the Constitution have been classified into three categories for the purpose of amendment:
• Articles amendable by simple majority ;
• Articles, which require special majority for their amendment, i.e., by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of the House present and voting;
• Articles, which require a special majority as well as ratification by the legislatures of not less than one- half of the States. The Constitution does not provide for any time limit within which the States must give their consent for the ratification of a Constitution (Amendment) Bill, referred to them for this purpose.

Parliamentary privilege vs Contempt of the House
Parliamentary privilege can be defined as the set of special rights enjoyed by each House of Parliament and its Committees collectively as a constituent part of Parliament and by members of each House individually. For example: A member has immunity from any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament. When any of these rights and immunities are disregarded or attacked by any individual or authority, the offence is called a breach of privilege, and is punishable under the law. However, the privileges have not been codified by law.

If any act obstructs either House of Parliament or its Committees from discharging their duties, it might amount to Contempt of the House. For example, offering bribes to members to influence them in their Parliamentary conduct is also a form of Contempt of Parliament.

*****

Parliamentary Procedures of India – Part 2

Friday, June 4th, 2010

Thangai VS Annan

Dear Indian Civil Services Aspirants,
This Article on the Parliamentary Procedures of India will be of immense use for your preparation to the Civil Services Exams and subsequent personality test. Best wishes for your success. Go ahead:

Question Hour in Parliament
The first hour of every sitting in both Houses of Parliament is known as the Question Hour. During Question Hour, the Members of Parliament have the right to question any administrative and governmental policy related to the national as well as the international sphere. The questions asked in both Houses of Parliament are generally addressed to the ministers. These questions can be categorised as Starred Questions, Unstarred Questions, and Short Notice Questions. A member has to give notice to the Secretary-General of the concerned House that he wants to ask a question.

Question hour in other legislatures
This sort of a process where elected representatives ask questions that are replied by the Prime Minister or other government ministers is part of parliamentary tradition in many other countries. The Question Hour in the Indian Parliament is similar to the Prime Minister’s Questions in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom, the First Minister’s Questions in the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales, the Question Period in the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures of Canada and the Question Time in Australia and New Zealand.

Types of Parliamentary Questions:
There are three categories of questions addressed to ministers. They are:
Starred Questions: Questions which have to be answered orally on the floor of the House, carrying an asterisk mark are called starred questions. The member is allowed to ask a supplementary question after the reply from the Minister concerned.
Unstarred Questions: Questions answered in a written form and which do not carry the asterisk mark are called unstarred questions. After the reply has been provided, no supplementary question can be asked.
Short Notice Questions: A minimum 10 day notice is to be given to ask a question in Parliament normally. However, if a Member seeks to ask a question urgently and cannot wait for 10 days, in such cases it is allowed to ask the question before 10 days. Such questions are called short notice questions.

Business after Question Hour
After the Question Hour, the House takes up miscellaneous items of work before proceeding to the main business of the day. These may consist of one or more of the following:-
Adjournment Motions, Questions involving breaches of Privileges, Papers to be laid on the Table, Communication of any messages from Rajya Sabha, Intimations regarding President’s assent to Bills, Calling Attention Notices, Matters under Rule 377, Presentation of Reports of Parliamentary Committee, Presentation of Petitions, – miscellaneous statements by Ministers, Motions regarding elections to Committees, Bills to be withdrawn or introduced.

Zero Hour in Parliament
Dictionaries describe a Zero Hour as “the hour at which a planned, especially military operation is timed to begin” or “a crucial moment” or a time set for the beginning of an attack’.

Zero Hour denotes the time immediately following the Question Hour in both Houses of Parliament. It starts at 12 noon. It came to be called an ‘Hour” also because very often it continued for one full hour, until the House rose for lunch at 1 p.m. However, the duration of the Zero Hour has varied over the years. It is not possible to predict what kind of matters might be raised during Zero Hour as there is no mention of any “Zero Hour” in the rules of the Parliament. It is the press who coined the term “Zero Hour” during the early 1960s, when the practice of raising urgent matters of public importance without prior notice developed. Although euphemistically called Zero Hour, it may not last for an hour; it may last for some time which may be half-an-hour or more or less. Sometimes it may also occupy full one hour or may even extend beyond an hour, depending on the number of matters which members may like to raise and the gravity and importance of such matters. It is also not necessary that there would be a Zero Hour every day during the session.

Half-an-Hour Discussion
Any matter of sufficient public importance, which has been the subject of recent questions in the Lok Sabha can be discussed during a Half-an-Hour Discussion. Usually, the discussions take place in the last half-an-hour on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. During the discussion, the member who has given notice makes a short statement and not more than four members who have intimated earlier and have secured one of the four places in the ballot are permitted to ask a question each for further elucidating any matter of fact. Thereafter, the Minister concerned replies. There is no formal motion before the House nor voting.
Discussion on Matters of Urgent Public Importance

Members may raise discussions on matters of urgent public importance with the permission of the Speaker. Such discussions may take place on two days in a week. No formal motion is moved in the House nor is there any voting on such a discussion.
Debate in the House

After the member who initiates discussion on an item of business has spoken, other members can speak on that item of business in such order as the Speaker may call upon them. Only one member can speak at a time and all speeches are directed to the Chair. A matter requiring the decision of the House is decided by means of a question put by the Speaker on a motion made by a member.

Division
A division is one of the forms in which the decision of the House is ascertained. Normally, when a motion is put to the House members for and against it indicate their opinion by saying “Aye” or “No” from their seats. The Chair goes by the voices and declares that the motion is either accepted or negatived by the House. If a member challenges the decision, the Chair orders that the lobbies be cleared. Then the division bell is rung and an entire network of bells installed in the various parts and rooms in Parliament House and Parliament House Annexe rings continuously for three and a half minutes. Members and Ministers rush to the Chamber from all sides. After the bell stops, all the doors to the Chamber are closed and nobody can enter or leave the Chamber till the division is over. Then the Chair puts the question for second time and declares whether in its opinion the “Ayes” or the “Noes”, have it. If the opinion so declared is again challenged, the Chair asks the votes to be recorded by operating the Automatic Vote Recording Equipment.

Automatic Vote Recording System
With the announcement of the Speaker for recording the votes, the Secretary- General presses the button of a key board. Then a gong sounds serving as a signal to members for casting their votes. For casting a vote each member present in the Chamber has to press a switch and then operate one of the three push buttons fixed in his seat. The push switch must be kept pressed simultaneously until the gong sounds for the second time after 10 seconds.

There are two Indicator Boards installed in the wall on either side of the Speaker’s Chair in the Chamber. Each vote cast by a member is flashed here. Immediately after the votes are cast, they are totalled mechanically and the details of the results are flashed on the Result Indicator Boards installed in the railings of the Speaker’s and Diplomatic Galleries.

Divisions are normally held with the aid of the Automatic Vote Recording Equipment. Where so directed by the Speaker in terms of relevant provision in the Rules of Procedure etc. in Lok Sabha, Divisions may be held either by distribution of ‘Aye’/'No’ and ‘Abstention’ slips to members in the House or by the members recording their votes by going into the lobbies.

There is an Indicator Board in the machine room showing the name of each member. The result of Division and vote cast by each member with the aid of Automatic Vote Recording Equipment appear on this Board also. Immediately a photograph of the Indicator Board is taken. Later the Photograph is enlarged and the names of members who voted ‘Ayes’ and for ‘Noes’ are determined with the help of the photograph and incorporated in Lok Sabha Debates.

Quorum of the Houses of Parliament
Each session of the Lok Sabha can be initiated with a quorum of 55 members (one–tenth of the total membership), including the Speaker or the person acting as such. Quorum should be ascertained at the beginning of the sitting each day, before the Speaker takes the Chair. The quorum to constitute a meeting of Rajya Sabha is one-tenth of the total number of members of the House, i.e. 25 members.
Prorogation of the House of Parliament

A prorogation means an order of the President which terminates the session of the House. The House may be prorogued any time. Usually, however, prorogation follows the adjournment of the sitting of the House without fixing a day for re-convening . The period between prorogation of the House and its reassembly in a new session is termed as ‘inter-session period’.

The President acts on the advice of the Prime Minister before exercising his powers of deferring the House. The Prime Minister, in turn, may consult the Cabinet before the advice is submitted to the President.

Ordinance
Ordinance simply put is a law made by the executive. In a democracy like India wherein the principle of separation of powers, it is the prerogative of the legislature to make laws. However if the parliament is not in session and when such extra-ordinary unforeseen and emergent circumstances exist wherein the legislation can’t wait, then the President is empowered under the article 123 to legislate by promulgating ordinances. Ordinances carry the full force of a law similar to one made by the legislature which also implies that it has similar limitations like ordinary laws i.e an ordinance is null and void if it violates fundamental rights etc. POTO (Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance) which later became POTA (Prevention of Terrorism Act) when the Parliament approved it in a joint sitting, was an example of an Ordinance. The President can issue Ordinances if he is satisfied that conditions exist that render it necessary to take immediate action. However, he cannot do so if both Houses of Parliament are in session. He may issue an Ordinance to enforce the provisions of a Bill pending before a House or to enforce the provisions of a Bill already passed by one House but not yet passed by the other House. An Ordinance may also be introduced on an entirely new matter to be replaced subsequently by a Bill. An Ordinance promulgated by the President has the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament. The Ordinance ceases to operate at the expiration of six weeks from the reassembly of the Parliament. Both Houses of Parliament have to approve the Ordinance within that period. If it is not approved by one of the Houses, the Ordinance expires. The President can also withdraw it at any time.

‘Calling’
Every member (with prior consent of the Speaker) has the right to call the attention of a minister on any matter of urgent public importance. This concept is unique to India. ‘Calling Attention’ allows a member to highlight failure or inadequate action of Government on any important matter of public importance. This is similar to an adjournment motion without its censure aspect. The minister is allowed to make a brief statement or request a later date for making a statement.

Motion
In the Parliament, a member may introduce a motion in the form of a proposal. Thus, a Motion is a proposal for eliciting decision or expressing the opinion of the House on a matter of public importance. Every question to be decided by the House must be proposed as ‘Motion’. The consent of the Speaker or the Chairman is also essential to initiate a motion.

All motions, notice of which is received in the Lok Sabha Secretariat under the rules, shall be classified under the following categories, namely:–
1. Substantive Motions
2. Substitute Motions and
3. Subsidiary Motions, which are further divided into three classes:–
a. Ancillary Motions,
b. Superseding Motions, and
c. Amendments.

A Motion passes through four stages:
(i) Moving the Motion, (ii) Proposing the question by the Speaker/Chairperson, (iii) Debate or discussion where permissible, and (iv) Vote or decision of the House.
Government motions generally aim at obtaining approval of the House for some policy or action of the government. But motions moved by private members focus on eliciting opinion of the House on a particular matter.

The rules governing these motions shall be as follows:–
Substantive Motions- A substantive motion is a self-contained independent proposal submitted for the approval of the House and drafted in such a way as to be capable of expressing a decision of the House, e.g., all resolutions are substantive motions.

Substitute Motions – Motions moved in substitution of the original motion for taking into consideration a policy or situation or statement or any other matter are called substitute motions. Such motions, though drafted in such a way as to be capable of expressing an opinion by themselves, are not strictly speaking substantive motions inasmuch as they depend upon the original motion.

Subsidiary Motions- They depend upon or relate to other motions or follow upon some proceedings in the House. They by themselves have no meaning and are not capable of stating the decision of the House without reference to the original motion or proceedings of the House. Subsidiary motions are further divided into:–
(a) Ancillary Motions -They are motions which are recognized by the practice of the House as the regular way of proceeding with various kinds of business. The following are the example of ancillary motions, namely:–
(i) That the Bill be taken into consideration.
(ii) That the Bill be passed.

(b) Superseding Motions.-They are motions which, though independent in form, are moved in the course of debate on another question and seek to supersede that question. In that class fall all the dilatory motions. The following motions are superseding motions in relation to the motion for taking into consideration a Bill:–
(i) That the Bill be re-committed to a Select Committee.
(ii) That the Bill be re-committed to a Joint Committee of the Houses.
(iii) That the Bill be re-circulated for eliciting further opinion thereon.
(iv) That consideration of the Bill or the debate on the Bill be adjourned sine die or to some future date.

(c) Amendments – They are subsidiary motions which interpose a new process of question and decision between the main question and its decision. Amendments may be to the clause of a Bill, to a resolution or to a motion, or to an amendment to a clause of a Bill, resolution or motion.

How is a motion moved in the Parliament
The Speaker calls the member concerned to move the motion and make a speech on the allotted day. Thereafter, the Speaker places the motion before the House. The members who have given prior notice initiate amendments and substitute motions and the discussion follows. At the conclusion of the discussion, the amendments/ substitute motions are put to the vote of the House and disposed of.

Adjournment Motion
In Parliamentary parlance, ‘adjournment’ means a break or termination of the debate on a Motion/Resolution/Bill in the House. Adjournment of the House terminates the sitting of the House. It may also signify a brief break during a sitting of the House. Adjournment sine-die means termination of the sitting without any definite date being fixed for its next sitting.

‘No-day-yet-named motion’
If the Speaker admits notice of a motion but no date is fixed for its introduction, then it is called a ‘No-day-yet-named motion’. These are placed before the Business Advisory Committee, which selects the motions for discussion in the House and also allots time for the same. The government motions get precedence over the private members’ motions, as ‘No-day-yet-named motions’ are discussed in government time.

Motion of confidence and a motion of no-confidence
The changing political composition of the Parliament has led to a new procedure known as the Motion of Confidence in the Council of Ministers. This practice has evolved in recent times whenever no single political party is in a position to command the majority of the House. The procedure followed is as follows: a one line motion under Rule 184 “that this House expresses its confidence in the Council of Ministers” is moved by the Prime Minister on the direction of the President.

The Council of Ministers remains in office as long as they enjoy the confidence of the Lok Sabha. If the Lok Sabha expresses a lack of confidence in the Council of Ministers, the Government is constitutionally bound to resign. In order to ascertain the confidence, the rules provide for moving a motion to this effect, which is called a No-confidence motion. A motion of No-confidence, once admitted, has to be taken up within 10 days of the leave being granted. Rajya Sabha is not empowered to entertain a motion of No-confidence.

Censure Motion
A Censure Motion is a specific type of a No-confidence Motion. While a motion of no-confidence need not specify any grounds on which it is based, a censure motion must reveal the grounds on which it is based. This type of motion is moved for the specific purpose of censuring the government for certain policies and actions. Censure motion can be moved against the Council of Ministers or an individual minister for the failure to act or not to act or for their policy, and may express regret, indignation or surprise of the House at the failure of the minister.

Resolution in the Parliament
A Resolution is a procedural means or a Substantive Motion to initiate a discussion on any matters of general public interest. It might record either approval or disapproval by the House for an act or policy of the government or convey a message, or commend, urge or request an action, or call attention to a matter or situation for consideration by the government, or in such other forms as the Speaker may consider appropriate.

Similarly, in the Rajya Sabha resolutions may be in the form of declaration of opinion by the House or in such other forms as the Chairperson considers appropriate Resolutions may be classified as private members’ resolutions, government resolutions and statutory resolutions. The last two and a half hours of a sitting every alternate Friday are allotted for the discussion on the private members’ resolutions.

Government resolutions are initiated by ministers to seek the approval of the House for international treaties, conventions or agreements to which the government is a party. Statutory resolutions may be moved either by a minister or by a private member. Such resolutions are always tabled in pursuance of a provision in the Constitution or an Act of Parliament.

Difference between a motion and a resolution
All Resolutions fall in the category of Substantive Motions. But all motions need not necessarily be substantive. Further, all motions are not necessarily put to vote of the House, whereas all the resolutions are required to be voted upon.

Budget
A Budget is an “annual financial statement” or an estimate of receipts and expenditure of the Government of India. It is presented for the ensuing financial year, which at present begins on the 1 st of April every year in such form as the Finance Minister may, after considering the suggestions, if any, of the Estimates Committee, settle. There shall be no discussion of the Budget on the day on which it is presented to the House.

Demands for Grants
The Budget includes the estimated inflows and outflows of the Government for three years. It gives the actual expenditure for the preceding year, the revised estimates for the current year and the budget estimates for the next year. A separate demand shall ordinarily be made in respect of the grant proposed for each Ministry, provided that the Finance Minister may include in one demand grants proposed for two or more Ministries or Departments or make a demand in respect of expenditure which cannot readily be classified under particular Ministries. Each demand shall contain first a statement of the total grant proposed and then a statement of the detailed estimate under each grant divided into items.

The Pre-Budget Economic Survey is prepared by the Finance Ministry. The survey studies the overall economic development in the country. It mainly focuses on areas like banking and capital markets, prices, industry, agriculture and infrastructure. Other topics include trends in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), demand and supply factors, fiscal developments to name a few.

Preparation and Presentation of the general Budget in India
The overall responsibility of preparing the budget rests with the Budget Division within the Finance Ministry. The division takes cognizance of the availability of funds as well as the proposals from the numerous departments and ministries. It also consults the Comptroller and Auditor-General. The budget, however, needs the final approval of the Prime Minister before it can be presented in the Lok Sabha. The President decides on which day the budget is to be presented. By convention, it is presented on the last day of February.

Budget presentation in Parliament
The Budget is presented in two parts:
• Railway Budget , pertaining to Railway finance; and
• General Budget, which gives an overall picture of the financial position of the Government of India, excluding the Railways.

The Railway Budget and the General Budget are presented in the Lok Sabha by the Minister of Railways and the Minister of Finance, respectively. The speech announcing the General Budget is divided into two parts:

Part A: dealing with the general economic survey of the country; and

Part B: containing the taxation proposals for the ensuing financial year.

Following the budget presentation, the annual financial statement relating to the Government of India (duly authenticated by the Finance Minister) is laid on the table. Also, the Finance Bill is introduced at this time.

Vote on Account
If the Budget is not approved by 1st April or the current financial year, the Indian Constitution allows the Lok Sabha to grant a Vote-on-Account. Generally, the passage of the budget crosses the beginning of the financial year and it becomes necessary for the government to have enough funds to run the administration of the country. Thus, Vote on Account is a special provision, which empowers the Lok Sabha to make any grant in advance for a part of any financial year, pending the completion of the budgetary process.

Normally, the Vote on Account is granted for two months for a sum equivalent to one-sixth of the estimated expenditure for the entire year under the various demands for grants. During an election year, the Vote on Account may exceed that time. This provision is invoked once the general discussion on the Budget is over and before the discussion on demands for grants is taken up. In case of Railway Budget, which is passed before 31st March, no Vote on Account is needed, except during an election year.

A motion for vote on account shall state the total sum required and the various amounts needed for each Ministry, Department or item of expenditure which compose that sum shall be stated in a schedule appended to the motion.

Amendments may be moved for the reduction of the whole grant or for the reduction or omission of the items whereof the grant is composed.

Discussion of a general character may be allowed on the motion or any amendments moved thereto, but the details of the grant shall not be discussed further than is necessary to develop the general points.
In other respects, a motion for vote on account shall be dealt with in the same way as if it were a demand for grant

Approval of the Budget in the Parliament
The procedure for approving the Budget in the Parliament involves many steps:

(a) Presentation of the Budget: The Finance Minister introduces the Budget in the Lok Sabha, in February, with a speech giving an overview of the budget. A copy of the Budget is laid on the table of the Rajya Sabha at the conclusion of the Finance Minister’s speech in the Lok Sabha. There is no discussion of the Budget on the day in which it is presented.

(b) Discussion on the Budget: The Parliament allots some time for discussion after the presentation. The Budget is discussed in two stages – the ‘General Discussion’ followed by a detailed “discussion and voting on the demands for grants”. Besides, there are other opportunities for further discussions on financial proposals during consideration and passing of Appropriation Bill and Finance Bill. The Rajya Sabha is restricted to discussing the budget in general terms.

(c) Voting on Demands: After the prescribed period of debate is over, the Speaker uses his power to stop all discussions and put all outstanding demands for grants to vote. This power is known as “Guillotine”. Voting on demands is the exclusive preserve of the Lok Sabha. Demands for grants are subjected to Cut Motions by the members of the Lok Sabha.

(d) Appropriation Bill: The Bill is introduced after all demands for grants are passed by the Lok Sabha. The Bill paves the way for the enactment of Appropriation Act and is certified as a money Bill. It allows the government to withdraw money from the Consolidated Fund of India.

(e) Finance Bill: This Bill includes all taxation proposals including any amendments and paves the way for enacting the Finance Act.

Demands for Grants with regard to the Budget
Demands for Grants can be defined as requests made by the Executive to the Lok Sabha for the authority to spend the amount asked for. Thus, they are related to the expenditure part of the Budget. The demands have to be made in the form of motions. Members may disapprove a policy pursued by the Ministry or suggest measures for economy in the administration or focus attention of the Ministry to specific local grievances. Members can do so by moving subsidiary motions, called Cut Motions.

Cut Motion
A cut Motion is a veto power given to the members of the Lok Sabha to oppose the demand of Financial Bill discussed by the Government. This can be effective tool to check the strength of the Government. If a cut motion is adopted by the House and the Government doesn’t have the write numbers, it is obliged to resign.

A motion may be moved to reduce the amount of a demand in any of the following ways:-
(a) ‘that the amount of the demand be reduced to Re.1/-’ representing disapproval of the policy underlying the demand. Such a motion shall be known as ‘Disapproval of Policy Cut’.
a. A member giving notice of such a motion shall indicate in precise terms the particulars of the policy which he proposes to discuss.
b. The discussion shall be confined to the specific point or points mentioned in the notice and it shall be open to members to advocate an alternative policy;
(b) ‘that the amount of the demand be reduced by a specified amount’ representing the economy that can be effected.
a. Such specified amount may be either a lump sum reduction in the demand or omission or reduction of an item in the demand. T
b. The motion shall be known as ‘Economy Cut’.
c. The notice shall indicate briefly and precisely the particular matter on which discussion is sought to be raised and speeches shall be confined to the discussion as to how economy can be effected;
(c) ‘that the amount of the demand be reduced by Rs.100/-’ in order to ventilate a specific grievance which is within the sphere of the responsibility of the Government of India.
a. Such a motion shall be known as ‘Token Cut’ and
b. The discussion thereon shall be confined to the particular grievance specified in the motion.
Admissibility of cut motions

In order that notice of motion for reduction of the amount of demand may be admissible, it shall satisfy the following conditions, namely:-
1. it shall relate to one demand only;
2. it shall be clearly expressed and shall not contain arguments, inferences, ironical expressions, imputations, epithets or defamatory statements;
3. it shall be confined to one specific matter which shall be stated in precise terms;
4. it shall not reflect on the character or conduct of any person whose conduct can only be challenged on a substantive motion;
5. it shall not make suggestions for the amendment or repeal of existing laws;
6. it shall not refer to a matter which is not primarily the concern of the Government of India;
7. it shall not relate to expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India;
8. it shall not relate to a matter which is under adjudication by a court of law having jurisdiction in any part of India;
9. it shall not raise a question of privilege.
10. It shall not revive discussion on a matter which has been discussed in the same session and on which a decision has been taken;
11. it shall not anticipate a matter which has been previously appointed for consideration in the same session;
12. it shall not ordinarily seek to raise a discussion on a matter pending before any statutory tribunal or statutory authority performing any judicial or quasi-judicial functions or any commission or court of enquiry appointed to enquire into, or investigate any matter:
13. The Speaker may in his discretion allow such matter being raised in the House as is concerned with the procedure or stage of enquiry, if he is satisfied that it is not likely to prejudice the consideration of such matter by the statutory tribunal, statutory authority, commission or court of enquiry; and
14. It shall not relate to a trivial matter.

*****

British Elections 2010

Tuesday, June 1st, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

The Labour Party won the 2005 UK general election with 35.3% of the popular British vote. The Conservative Party was just a few points behind with 32.3% of the votes, but because of the first past the post voting system, the Labour Party had a significant majority with 356 parliamentary seats (MPs) compared to 198 seats for The Conservative Party.

2010 Elections

The United Kingdom general election, 2010 was held on Thursday 6 May 2010 to elect members to the House of Commons. The election took place in 649 constituencies across the United Kingdom under the first-past-the-post system.

None of the parties achieved the 326 seats needed for an overall majority. The Conservative Party led by David Cameron won the largest number of votes and seats, with the biggest swing since 1931. This resulted in a hung parliament where no party would be able to command a majority in the House of Commons. The last time this occurred was in the February 1974 election, and only twice since the Second World War.

On May 6, 2010, British voters delivered to the House of Commons a hung Parliament—the first time a single party had not achieved a majority since the February 1974 election. At 65 percent, turnout was up 4 percent over 2005, when Tony Blair had led his Labour Party to its third successive majority. In 2010, however, Blair was not a candidate, having turned over the reins of government to Gordon Brown, his longtime chancellor of the Exchequer. Sagging poll numbers for Labour and a resurgent Conservative Party under the youthful David Cameron brought the assumption that the Conservatives would cruise to a parliamentary majority for the first time since 1997.

The election also brought some other surprises. The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland won its first seat ever in the House of Commons, ousting Democratic Unionist Party leader Peter Robinson. The Green Party also won its first seat, capturing the seat of Brighton Pavilion along the southern coast. And, surprisingly, though there was a strong swing away from Labour in much of the country, the Labour share of the vote held up rather well in Scotland and Wales.

Clegg indicated that the Conservatives, as the largest party, should have the right to attempt to form a government, but, with no party securing a majority and with most parties unlikely coalition partners for the Conservatives, it remained unclear who would become prime minister. Negotiations between Cameron and Clegg began in earnest on May 7, and on May 10 Brown announced his intention to resign as leader of the Labour Party. The following day Brown announced his resignation as prime minister and as leader of the Labour Party, and Cameron subsequently became prime minister.

The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats formed a coalition government—Britain’s first since World War II—with Clegg taking the post of deputy prime minister. Conservatives William Hague (foreign secretary) and George Osborne (chancellor of the Exchequer) were among the leading cabinet appointments. Several Liberal Democrats, including Chris Huhne (secretary of state for energy and climate change), also took cabinet posts. As part of the power-sharing agreement, the Conservatives and the Lib Dems agreed to set out a plan for deficit reduction in an emergency budget to be presented within 50 days of taking office. They also agreed to a fixed five-year Parliament that called for the next election to be held on the first Thursday in May in 2015, though dissolution of Parliament and a subsequent election could come earlier through the vote of 55 percent or more of the House of Commons. The coalition partnership called for a referendum on alternative vote, whereby voters indicate a first and second preference, with the second preference being counted only if no candidate receives a majority—which fell short of the Lib Dems’ goal of full proportional representation.

Coalition talks began immediately between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats and lasted for five days, although there was a brief attempt to put together a Labour/Liberal Democrat coalition in the middle. On 11 May 2010 Gordon Brown announced his resignation as Prime Minister, marking the end of 13 years of Labour government. This was accepted by Queen Elizabeth II, who then invited David Cameron to form a government and become Prime Minister. Just after midnight on 12 May, the Liberal Democrats emerged from a meeting of their Parliamentary party and Federal Executive to announce that the coalition deal had been “approved overwhelmingly”, sealing a stable coalition government of Conservatives and Liberal Democrats.

There were quite a few ‘first-time incidents’ during this election. None of the three main party leaders had previously led a general election campaign, which hadn’t happened since the 1979 election. During the campaign, the three main party leaders engaged in a series of televised debates, the first time ever in a British election. The Liberal Democrats, achieved a breakthrough in opinion polls after the first debate in which their leader Nick Clegg was widely seen as the strongest performer. However, on polling day their share of the vote increased by only 1%, and they suffered a net loss of five seats. However, this was the Liberal Democrats’ largest popular vote since the party’s creation, and they found themselves in a pivotal role in the formation of the new government.

The share of votes for a party other than Labour or the Conservatives was 35% and was the largest since the 1918 general election. The Green Party of England and Wales won its first ever seat in the Commons, and the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland gained its first representation since 1974.

Talking about the next elections, Kenneth Clarke, the shadow business secretary and former Chancellor, speaking at a Westminster lunch after the elections, said he would rather the Labour Party won the next general election than it result in a hung parliament, with all the uncertainty and chaos that would mean. He believes that, in the middle of an acute national crisis, a hung parliament would be one of the biggest disasters England could suffer. According to him, that would be a bigger danger than a Labour victory.

The British electorate has had a knack over the decades of delivering just that; but a weekend opinion poll putting the Tories only seven points ahead of Labour is the latest indication that the country may be heading for the first election in a generation to deliver neither of the two main parties an overall parliamentary majority.

There have been false alarms before. In 1992, it was widely assumed there would be a hung parliament but the Tories under John Major won a majority of 21 and the largest popular vote in history.

In February 1974, Edward Heath went to the country in a “who governs” election after a battle with the miners, and lost. The Tories had 297 seats and Labour 301. However, the Conservatives had a majority, so Heath tried to soldier on by doing a deal with the Liberals, who had 14 seats. Even that would not have been enough for a majority but the Tories could have stayed in office with the votes of the Ulster Unionists.

The negotiations foundered, Heath resigned and Harold Wilson decided to govern without a majority for six months before calling another election, which Labour won outright but only just. By 1977, Labour’s slender majority had gone, so James Callaghan, by then prime minister, entered a pact with the Liberals to keep the government going without a formal coalition.

In other words, the system muddled through.  Labour remained in office for almost the duration of its five-year term before being defeated in a vote of confidence in 1979. A party without a majority, according to some, is not necessarily the disaster that Clarke fears. Indeed, far from being something the country could well do without in times of crisis, coalition government is precisely the option that has historically been chosen to see the country through – as in two world wars and the Depression of the 1930s.

But things might be different this time.

First of all, comes the issue of the size of the electoral mountain that the Tories must scale to secure a parliamentary majority. They need to win an extra 117 seats and require a swing in their favour greater than Thatcher achieved in 1979 to do so. And that is to get a majority of a single seat. Were the outcome of the election to be anything like the figures in the weekend Ipsos-Mori poll, the Tories would be well short of the 326 seats they need (currently they have 193).

This, then, is the nightmare scenario; and it is intensified by the greater diversity of British politics compared with 1974. Then, there were only 37 MPs from other parties apart from the big two. At the last election, there were 92. Anthony King, professor of government at Essex University, says that U.K will be in untrodden territory because they have multi-party Westminster politics in a way they had never had before. The sheer arithmetical probability of a stalemate is greater than at any time in the last 100 years.

Because large parts of the country are no longer winnable for the Tories, including Scotland and much of Wales, it is perfectly possible that the Conservatives could end up as the largest party in a hung parliament but be well short of a majority.

Under the UK constitution, the party able to command the confidence of Parliament is invited to form the government. That does not necessarily mean the party with the most seats or votes. Even if he lost power, Gordon Brown would remain Prime Minister until he resigned. He might try to form a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats by offering their leaders key Cabinet positions in exchange for support to get his legislation through. This would be massively unpopular in the country and could well split the Lib Dems. At the weekend, Nick Clegg gave a clear indication that he would not be interested in propping up a Labour government that had fewer seats in parliament than the Tories.

Clegg believes that the party which has the strongest mandate from the British people will have the first right to seek to govern,

But a deal with the Conservatives could also split the Liberals, as happened in the early 1920s and 1931. And it might not be as simple as that, anyway. If David Cameron is so short of a majority that it is not feasible to continue as a minority administration, hoping to wade through to another general election that the Tories could win, if he to try to forge a coalition, he would be asked to pass a Bill to introduce proportional representation, a long-standing Lib Dem demand. The price would be far too high, since it would mean there would never be a majority Tory government again.

This is where the Queen is drawn into what could become a constitutional quagmire. There is no need for a hung parliament to become a crisis – provided the politicians can reach some sort of agreement among themselves. Prof King, the author of a new book on the British constitution, says that the Queen must ardently hope that such a situation does not arise. She and her advisers would be prudent to work out what to do well in advance and how to keep well out of it.

The British constitution is a collection of conventions and precedents, some of which are written down and some of which are not. There is a Whitehall “Precedents Book” that would be consulted by senior mandarins; but the problem is that there are no precedents, or certainly none in modern times.

As well as relying upon the advice of her private secretary, the Queen would also take private soundings among constitutional experts. In the 1970s, Robert Blake, the historian, was said to be the favoured counsellor; today, it is likely to be Vernon Bogdanor, professor of government at Oxford University. Whoever it is would have to pick their way very carefully through a political minefield, trying to keep the Monarch out of making any decision that could be seen as parti pris in any way.

The Queen has a number of advantages here: principally, the experience and integrity that would enable her to deal with such circumstances without damaging the monarchy. However, the rule of thumb would be to keep her well out of it and hope the politicians could sort out a deal. If they did not, there would have to be another election – and the party that forced it would likely be punished at the polls.

None of this need happen. Even if there were a hung parliament, the Tories as the largest party would almost certainly try to carry on as a minority government (as the SNP has done in Scotland) until such time that they lost a key vote and David Cameron asked for another election, which the Queen would grant.

In order to stay in office, such a government would probably do very little to frighten the horses. There might even be a period of less government and better administration, which would benefit, rather than harm, the country. It might even do something to restore the primacy of parliament in our national life, since the executive would no longer be able to govern without winning the argument.

Much would depend on what the outside world made of the failure of the British to maintain something they have almost always managed to achieve: strong government. If there were a run on the pound and a collapse of international confidence in the British economy, then a crisis could occur.

Just the sort of crisis, indeed, that in the past warranted the formation of governments of national unity.

The results of the 2010 election results are provided in the table.

Party

Seats

% Vote

Conservatives 306 36.1
Labour 258 29.0
Liberal Democrats 57 23.0
DUP 8 0.6
SNP 6 1.7
Sinn Féin 5 0.6
Plaid Cymru 3 0.6
SDLP 3 0.4
Greens 1 1.0
Alliance Party 1 0.1
Others 1 6.9

May 11, 2010

Gordon Brown announces that he will tender his resignation as prime minister to Queen Elizabeth II and will ask her to invite David Cameron to form a government. Cameron subsequently becomes prime minister of the United Kingdom—the youngest leader of the country since 1812. Nick Clegg of the Liberal Democrats becomes deputy prime minister.

The political party and term of office of each British prime minister are provided in the table.

Prime ministers of Great Britain and the United Kingdom

Name party term
Robert Walpole
(from 1725, Sir Robert Walpole; from 1742, earl of Orford)
Whig 1721–42
Spencer Compton,
earl of Wilmington
Whig 1742–43
Henry Pelham Whig 1743–54
Thomas Pelham-Holles,
1st duke of Newcastle (1st time)
Whig 1754–56
William Cavendish,
4th duke of Devonshire
Whig 1756–57
Thomas Pelham-Holles,
1st duke of Newcastle (2nd time)
Whig 1757–62
John Stuart,
3rd earl of Bute
1762–63
George Grenville 1763–65
Charles Watson Wentworth,
2nd marquess of Rockingham (1st time)
Whig 1765–66
William Pitt,
1st earl of Chatham
1766–68
Augustus Henry Fitzroy,
3rd duke of Grafton
1768–70
Frederick North,
Lord North (from 1790, 2nd earl of Guilford)
1770–82
Charles Watson Wentworth,
2nd marquess of Rockingham (2nd time)
Whig 1782
William Petty-Fitzmaurice,
2nd earl of Shelburne (from 1784, 1st marquess of Lansdowne)
1782–83
William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck,
3rd duke of Portland (1st time)
Whig 1783
William Pitt, the Younger
(1st time)
Tory 1783–1801
Henry Addington
(from 1805, 1st Viscount Sidmouth)
Tory 1801–04
William Pitt, the Younger
(2nd time)
Tory 1804–06
William Wyndham Grenville,
1st Baron Grenville
1806–07
William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck,
3rd duke of Portland (2nd time)
Whig 1807–09
Spencer Perceval Tory 1809–12
Robert Banks Jenkinson,
2nd earl of Liverpool
Tory 1812–27
George Canning Tory 1827
Frederick John Robinson,
1st Viscount Goderich (from 1833, 1st earl of Ripon)
Tory 1827–28
Arthur Wellesley,
1st duke of Wellington (1st time)
Tory 1828–30
Charles Grey,
2nd Earl Grey
Whig 1830–34
William Lamb,
2nd Viscount Melbourne (1st time)
Whig 1834
Arthur Wellesley,
1st duke of Wellington (2nd time)
Tory 1834
Sir Robert Peel,
2nd Baronet (1st time)
Tory 1834–35
William Lamb,
2nd Viscount Melbourne (2nd time)
Whig 1835–41
Sir Robert Peel,
2nd Baronet (2nd time)
Conservative 1841–46
John Russell,
Lord Russell (from 1861, 1st Earl Russell) (1st time)
Whig-Liberal 1846–52
Edward Geoffrey Stanley,
14th earl of Derby (1st time)
Conservative 1852
George Hamilton-Gordon
4th earl of Aberdeen
1852–55
Henry John Temple,
3rd Viscount Palmerston (1st time)
Liberal 1855–58
Edward Geoffrey Stanley,
14th earl of Derby (2nd time)
Conservative 1858–59
Henry John Temple,
3rd Viscount Palmerston (2nd time)
Liberal 1859–65
John Russell,
1st Earl Russell (2nd time)
Liberal 1865–66
Edward Geoffrey Stanley,
14th earl of Derby (3rd time)
Conservative 1866–68
Benjamin Disraeli
(1st time)
Conservative 1868
William Ewart Gladstone
(1st time)
Liberal 1868–74
Benjamin Disraeli,
(from 1876, earl of Beaconsfield) (2nd time)
Conservative 1874–80
William Ewart Gladstone
(2nd time)
Liberal 1880–85
Robert Cecil,
3rd marquess of Salisbury (1st time)
Conservative 1885–86
William Ewart Gladstone
(3rd time)
Liberal 1886
Robert Cecil,
3rd marquess of Salisbury (2nd time)
Conservative 1886–92
William Ewart Gladstone
(4th time)
Liberal 1892–94
Archibald Philip Primrose,
5th earl of Rosebery
Liberal 1894–95
Robert Cecil,
3rd marquess of Salisbury (3rd time)
Conservative 1895–1902
Arthur James Balfour,
(from 1922, 1st earl of Balfour)
Conservative 1902–05
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Liberal 1905–08
H.H. Asquith,
(from 1925, 1st earl of Oxford and Asquith)
Liberal 1908–16
David Lloyd George,
(from 1945, 1st Earl Lloyd-George of Dwyfor)
Liberal 1916–22
Bonar Law Conservative 1922–23
Stanley Baldwin
(1st time)
Conservative 1923–24
Ramsay Macdonald
(1st time)
Labour 1924
Stanley Baldwin
(2nd time)
Conservative 1924–29
Ramsay Macdonald
(2nd time)
Labour 1929–35
Stanley Baldwin,
(from 1937, 1st Earl Baldwin of Bewdley) (3rd time)
Conservative 1935–37
Neville Chamberlain Conservative 1937–40
Winston Churchill
(1st time)
Conservative 1940–45
Clement Attlee,
(from 1955, 1st Earl Attlee)
Labour 1945–51
Winston Churchill
(from 1953, Sir Winston Churchill) (2nd time)
Conservative 1951–55
Sir Anthony Eden,
(from 1961, 1st earl of Avon)
Conservative 1955–57
Harold Macmillan,
(from 1984, 1st earl of Stockton)
Conservative 1957–63
Sir Alec Douglas-Home,
(until 1963, Alexander Frederick Douglas-Home, 14th earl of Home; from 1974, Alexander Frederick Douglas-Home, Baron Home)
Conservative 1963–64
Harold Wilson
(1st time)
Labour 1964–70
Edward Heath Conservative 1970–74
Harold Wilson
(from 1976, Sir Harold Wilson) (2nd time)
Labour 1974–76
James Callaghan Labour 1976–79
Margaret Thatcher Conservative 1979–90
John Major Conservative 1990–97
Tony Blair Labour 1997–2007
Gordon Brown Labour 2007–10
David Cameron Conservative 2010–

The origin of the term prime minister and the question to whom it should originally be applied have long been issues of scholarly and political debate. Although the term was used as early as the reign of Queen Anne (1702–14), it acquired wider currency during the reign of George II (1727–60), when it began to be used as a term of reproach toward Sir Robert Walpole. The title of prime minister did not become official until 1905, to refer to the leader of a government.

*****

Recession in Greece and its effect on World Economy

Tuesday, May 25th, 2010

Preethy Vignesh

When after an earlier failure, Greece was finally allowed into the euro zone in 2001, people cheered. Two thirds of the ten million Greeks enthusiastically welcomed the end of the drachma and the arrival of euro notes and coins. The finance minister at the time said the euro meant stability and symbolized Greece’s full acceptance into the European club.

Now the Greeks don’t know what hit them and they’re already wishing they still had their tattered drachmas. Why? Because if this debt crisis had happened in the 1990s, they could have devalued the drachma and even boosted their major industry—tourism. This is because with devaluation a vacation in the Greek islands would be made cheaper. A deep recession could have been avoided.

But by having the euro the devaluation option is unavailable. The only remedy today is for Greeks to swallow the bitter medicine of austerity. That means wage and pension cuts plus new taxes, those measures which creditors insist upon as the price of the bailout.

Looking back, Greeks didn’t realize back in 2001 that their politicians had cheated to meet the euro’s membership requirements. In a country where tax evasion is a national pastime, citizens assumed that if the bureaucrats in Brussels accepted the official fiscal deficit numbers, they must be correct. Never in their wildest dreams did Greeks imagine that just nine years later they would discover that a financial crisis was the true price of euro zone membership.

November, 2009

What started in the last three months of 2008 came to a climax in the first quarter of 2009. Greece’s economy entered its first recession in 16 years in the first quarter of 2009. The economy has suffered quarterly GDP contractions since the last three months of 2008. Two consecutive quarterly contractions in output mean an economy is in recession. The 250 billion euro economy contracted 0.3 per cent in the third quarter of 2009 after shrinking by a revised 0.1 per cent in the second quarter. The figures show that the Greek economy is going through a very difficult period and, unfortunately, there is no easy way out.

Economists polled by a news agency were expecting the economy to contract at a quarterly 0.8 per cent clip in the third quarter.  This was due to the revision of quarterly growth rates, in combination with the revision of the accounts of general government and the evaluation of most recent sectoral indicators, which led to new estimates for the first two quarters of 2009.

Unemployment is rising, credit conditions remain tight, and taxes are going up. All these factors weighed down on consumer expenditure during the remaining of the year.

Moreover, inflation, which had been trending downwards during the first semester of 2009, rose again, which put consumers under further pressure. Larger inflation differentials vis-a-vis other Eurozone countries, the relative strength of the euro will also dampen export growth.

May, 2010

The stock market’s slump reflects a widespread concern among many economists that the European debt crisis could slow the U.S. economic recovery.

Very few people expected the problems in Greece and other European nations such as Portugal and Spain to drag the United States back into recession. But the crisis has increased the uncertainty facing U.S. business leaders.

Today market leaders feel that the perception of risk has just changed in a major way and that there is more risk in the world economy than they did in April 2010. A weaker European economy could reduce demand for U.S. exports, as European consumers cut back their purchases of autos, appliances and other goods. And as the euro declines in value compared to the dollar, U.S. goods become more expensive in the 16 countries that use the European currency.

Michael Mussa, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics said that the impact in Europe will likely be greater. While Greece’s economy isn’t that large, many major European banks hold billions of dollars of its debt. If Greece defaults on or restructures its debt, which many economists expect, those banks — still recovering from the 2008-2009 financial crisis — may cut back lending to conserve cash. That’s even more likely if other highly indebted nations, such as Ireland, Spain, or Portugal also run into problems financing their deficits. Tighter credit would slow Europe’s economy. And efforts by Greece and the others to reduce their deficits, through tax increases and spending cuts, could also worsen their economies.

The growing European debt crisis has sent stock markets on a wild ride.

There are worries that Europe’s debt crisis could tip the 16 countries that use the euro back into a recession. The euro area comprises the second-largest economy in the world, after the United States. And as in the United States, Europe’s economy had been slowly recovering from recession.

The situation reminds one of the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the fall of 2008. The resulting chaos caused banks to clamp down on lending. Nervous consumers stopped spending. Companies facing plummeting sales cut back on production and laid off millions of workers.

Barry Eichengreen, an economics professor at the University of California, Berkeley  reports that no one had seen this kind of thing before and that they are questioning the competence of their leaders to deal with it, and rightly so. European consumers may soon cut back on purchases of new cars or appliances.

Economists are skeptical of President Barack Obama’s goal of doubling U.S. exports over the next five years is unlikely to be reached under these conditions. More so if the dollar remains strong and one of the leading economic areas enters a deep recession. A $140 billion rescue package agreed to by the International Monetary Fund and European leaders has failed to resolve concerns in the financial markets that Greece might default on its debts.

Economists feel that the concerns are amplified, because memories of the 2008 crisis are still fresh. Before the recession, many experts, including Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, said the fallout from the subprime housing bust wouldn’t spill over to the broader economy.

As recently as last month April 2010, the Greek economy was expected to decline by 2% in 2010. But with the austerity measures, forecasts have been revised sharply downwards. Now a 4% decline is expected and some economists, like former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund Simon Johnson, believe that number is overly optimistic. He predicts the Greek economy will contract by 12% over the next 18 months, i.e by the end of 2011.

Greece now faces twin problems of solvency and competitiveness. Short-term, the solvency issue was addressed on May 9th, because of the bailout by the I.M.F. and European Union. But to regain competitiveness–absent devaluation– cuts of up to 20% in wages and prices are needed. The Greek government may be unable to deliver this.

Latvia, the former Soviet republic on the Baltic Sea, provides something of a case study for what the Greeks are trying to accomplish. Latvia in 2008 was hit by a financial crisis in which its currency came under speculative attack. But since Latvia–like Greece in 2001–was determined to hold its exchange rate steady in order to be admitted to the euro zone, policy makers rejected the advice that they devalue. Instead, the Latvians slashed wages and government spending by 10 to 20% and deliberately engineered a deep recession in the hopes of getting their budget deficit down to the prescribed levels for euro zone entry. While Latvia has succeeded in holding its exchange rate steady, the ensuing recession has been the deepest in the European Union. In 2009 the Latvian economy contracted by 18% and unemployment rose to 20%. This is the kind of calamity that may be awaiting the Greeks, where unemployment is already 11.3%, a six-year high.

For Greeks to endure the kind of austerity that the Latvians have experienced, there must be some perceived reward for the hard times and sacrifice. For Latvians that is still the hope of membership in the euro zone. But for Greeks who already have the euro, what’s the payoff?

A volatile Eurozone sees Russia with almost no exposure to national debt, but with markets pricing in a wider contagion, Russia would be affected by a return to recession. With the budget woes of Greece now well and truly being implicated in debt markets across the Eurozone, markets are increasingly pricing in the prospect continuing problems, with the PIIGS nations of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain all seen as financial disaster areas, and sentiment in the northern European nations, such as Germany and the Netherlands, which have some scope for offering assistance, wearing thin.

Russia’s direct exposure to the emerging Euro-contagion is limited according to Andrew Howell, CFA Emerging Markets Strategy at Citigroup.

It is almost certain that the tightening of debt markets and mass investor desertion of government debt from the PIIGs nations will lead to a slowdown in a European economic recovery that has barely come out of the last recession, and in the directly affected nations, hasn’t come out of recession at all. With the EU, the world’s largest single economy, and Russia’s largest trading partner, the implications for Russia – despite it not being a buyer of Euro debt – are enormous.

“Real contagion and that has to do with a direct impact of slower economic growth in Europe on the emerging markets and there you do worry if you’re going to see major downgrades to the European growth. But the losers from that would be those countries which are exposed to the European import markets.”

Europe is the important customer for Russia’s energy and commodity exports. A major downturn in revenues from these will quickly be felt in Russia’s current account and budgetary position. Another key factor is that the EU is a major provider of many products that Russia imports. The devaluation of the Euro against the Rouble – it has dropped from more than 43 to 1, to less than 38 to one in less than 2 months – means that those exports are now more competitive against any domestic producers.

Elina Ribokova, Citigroup Chief Economist says that Russia’s underlying budget and corporate debt environment is particularly sound meaning it is in a good position to weather a downturn if worse comes to worst.

“If you look at balance sheets of different sectors of the economy we see that the sovereign balance sheet is very healthy, the corporate balance sheets have stabilized. And then the final and most important aspect in Russia’s economy balance sheet is the household balance sheet and that one has a particularly healthy debt to GDP ratio of households at less than 10%.”

But even with a sound debt position to help square up to any renewal of a global economic downturn, Russia’s economy and economic leaders, would prefer to avoid it. The country is still barely gaining traction on an economic rebound with the 1Q 2010 GDP figures worse than forecast, and only massive government expenditure warding off major social consequences of the 8.9% contraction of 2009. As the government looks to wean the economy off its expenditure in 2010 and beyond, any further reversal into recession in the EU could leave the Russian economy more exposed, a second time around.

The Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou in May 2010, embarked on a whirlwind tour of western capitals to drum up support for his crisis-stricken country. Beginning with Berlin, where he met the German chancellor Angela Merkel, before travelling on to Paris and Washington DC for talks with presidents Sarkozy and Obama, Papandreou’s diplomatic offensive was supposed to determine whether Greece can secure help from its fellow eurozone members or whether the IMF will eventually be called in. What’s at stake is no longer just Greece’s creditworthiness, but also Europe’s credibility.

If Athens can raise about €22bn (£20bn) to pay off maturing debt in April and May, then the risk of a sovereign debt default spreading to other heavily indebted euro countries will subside. If not, then in the absence of a rescue operation from euroland, the Greek government would have no other option but to beg the IMF for help – further undermining the status of the euro as a credible alternative to the dollar.

Papandreou’s mission comes about a month after a special EU summit in Brussels pledged collective European solidarity in exchange for tough Greek action. By announcing a third round of spending cuts and tax increases to reign in its budget deficit, Athens is fulfilling its part of the agreement. Now it’s the turn of the eurozone to help Greece bring down the cost of borrowing – otherwise the economic reforms could lead to social unrest and bring down the Greek government.

By refusing to provide financial guarantees to state-owned banks buying Greek bonds which would help reduce the interest rate on Greek debt, Berlin is forcing Athens to devote more money to servicing debt and make even deeper cuts to public spending. This lethal mix is pushing Greece back into economic recession, reducing tax revenues, increasing the real value of its debt and requiring yet more savage cuts – a vicious spiral of debt-deflation that could plunge the country into an unprecedented social recession.

Afflicted by soaring youth unemployment and mass public sector lay-offs, not just in Greece but also in Spain, Portugal and Italy, the future of Europe’s “Club Med” is dire. With hindsight, the Brussels agreement looks increasingly like a Faustian pact with the debt devil concluded by the German iron chancellor.

The sale of national assets is almost exactly the advice given by Goldman Sachs to the Greek government to “pay” for euro membership back in 1999. After the collapse of neoliberalism, it is worrying that the current German government prefers fiscal austerity and the pressure of global finance over sound economic judgment and political leadership. But the latter is exactly what the operation of markets requires, otherwise there will be more speculative attacks and irrational herd-like movements against Greece and other vulnerable euro members.

By contrast, France is leading the way in arguing for a rescue operation now to avoid a fully fledged eurozone bailout or an IMF-orchestrated structural adjustment programme and thereby to mitigate Europe’s social recession. With strike action and protest movements spreading across euroland, Merkel’s hardline stance is unnecessarily exacerbating a crisis that could bring down the European common currency – Germany’s main contribution to Europe since reunification.

19th May, 2010

Greece’s industrialists believe that the government has done too little too late to avert a steep economic downturn and urged structural reform to boost the flagging productivity of the economy. The SEB industry federation called on Greece’s conservative government, which has fallen behind in polls over a series of scandals and its handling of the economy, to boost public investment and cut taxes to create jobs and stimulate businesses.

The government’s 28-billion-euro plan to increase liquidity at Greek banks, which have avoided the worst of the credit crisis, provided no guarantee of reviving lending to the slowing real economy.

Despite average growth rates of around 4 percent a year for a decade, Greece has seen the competitiveness of its 240-billion-euro economy decline as high inflation has pushed up labour and manufacturing costs. Surveys consistently rank Greece as one of the euro zone’s most corrupt and difficult places to do business.

Greece’s manufacturing sector shrank at a record pace in November due to a fall in new orders, a monthly survey showed on Monday. The purchasing managers’ index (PMI) fell to 42.3 points from 48.1 in October, reflecting a fall in both domestic and foreign demand.

Economists say the risk of deflation in some of Greece’s main trading partners could harm its competitiveness even further, as inflation differentials widen. The conservative government has forecast Greece’s economic growth rate will fall to 2.7 percent in 2009 from 3.2 percent this year, but many economists say this is too optimistic. The OECD predicts Greek growth will drop to 2.0 percent next year.

Greece has one of Europe’s highest current account deficits, at around 15 percent of GDP, and its stock of sovereign debt equates to almost the whole of its annual economic output.

21st May, 2010

The Greek debt crisis roiling markets worldwide may at most “influence” India, but will have limited “adverse impact” on the country according to the Finance minister Pranab Mukherjee. He signaled the government’s determination to walk the path of fiscal prudence it was forced to abandon during the 2008 global financial meltdown.

India, according to him, had very little direct exposure to European countries at the centre of the crisis, with the country’s banking system having no direct links with them and exports to Greece, Spain, Portugal and Italy only 4% of total exports.

Fears of a global contagion from the Greek crisis have cast its shadow on the country’s stock markets, knocking the Sensex 8% down in the last six weeks From April 2010 till mid-May 2010, and also caused volatility in the foreign exchange markets as a battered euro and volatile global currencies raised concerns about capital flows into India.

That crisis tipped much of the developed world into a recession and forced the government to put fiscal prudence on the back burner as it had to launch a series of fiscal stimulus measures to stimulate demand in the economy. But as the global economy recovered from that crisis, the government returned to the path of fiscal prudence and in its budget for 2010-11, spelt out a medium-term plan to cut fiscal deficit.

It has set itself a target of containing the deficit to 5.5% of GDP this year and cut it further to 4.1% in the next financial year. The deficit stood at 6.7% in 2009-10.

The finance minister said good monsoon rains would have a huge “psychological impact” and help tame inflationary expectations. Rising inflation and high prices, especially in the wake of last year’s drought, has been a major problem for the UPA government, leaving it vulnerable to attacks from the opposition and even some of its own coalition partners.

*****

Where there is a will there is a way – Youngest climbers of Mt Everest

Tuesday, May 25th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

Heartening news for all IAS and IPS aspirants- Tenacity pays. Two teenagers prove to us that hard work, a never-say-die attitude and a determination to succeed will lead us to our goal within no time.

A 13-year-old American became the youngest climber to ever summit Mount Everest on Saturday May 22 2010, gaining renown for the feat while renewing controversy over a trend of young record-breaking adventurers.

Jordan Romero’s journey was tracked through GPS coordinates on his blog, logging his team’s ascent up Everest, which is 29,028 feet (8,847 meters) above sea level.

Before Jordan, the record was previously held by Ming Kipa of Nepal, who was 15 when she made the climb in 2003 with her brother and sister, and 16-year-old Temba Tsheri of Nepal.

Romero left for the peak from the Chinese side of the mountain after Nepal denied him permission on age grounds. Prior to his starting out, Romero, of Big Bear, California, said he wanted to climb Everest to inspire more young people to get outdoors. He feared that obese children were the future of America, the way things are going. He hoped to change that by doing what he did – climbing and motivational speaking.

He also had a desire to do something big in life, and he has succeeded beyond expectation. Jordan now has climbed six of the seven highest peaks on seven continents, known as the Seven Summits. His father Paul Romero reports that this was not an isolated vacation and that this was a lifestyle.

Romero’s family started tackling the Seven Summits in summer 2005. He was just 9 when they climbed 19,341 feet (5,895 meters) to the peak of Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania.  There is a debate about whether the tallest mountain in Oceania is Kosciuszko in mainland Australia or Carstensz Pyramid in Indonesia, so Romero and his family climbed both. The only peak left for him to climb after Everest is the Vinson Massif in Antarctica, which is 16,067 feet (4,897 meters). A trip there is planned for December 2010.

Jordan Romero called his mother, Leigh Anne Drake, 37, from a satellite phone when he reached the peak Saturday along with his father, stepmother and a team of three guides and told her proudly that he was calling from the top of the world.

Jordan decided in the fourth grade that he wanted to climb the tallest mountains on each of the seven continents. His mother and father are avid fans of the outdoors who took their son biking and hiking at an early age, but neither had experience with mountaineering until Jordan made his decision.

When he first wanted to go hiking, his mother and a friend took Jordan for a six-mile hike near their home. He whined and cried the entire time, she recalled, but when they got down, he wanted to keep training. They decided to support him.  Jordan climbed the first peak on the list — Mt. Kilimanjaro in Tanzania — when he was 9. He has since then climbed Mt. Kosciusko in Australia, Mt. Elbrus in Russia, Mt. Aconcagua in Argentina and Mt. McKinley in Alaska.

The eighth grader enrolled in independent study this semester to pursue the Everest climb. He took algebra books and writing journals with him.

Brent Bishop, 43, who has climbed to the top of Mt. Everest twice and whose father was on the first American team to reach the summit in 1963, said he was amazed by Jordan’s accomplishment but wary for other young climbers.

The main danger for a young person isn’t the climbing, but the altitude. Bishop feels that the planning and the weather cooperated to make the trip work out but the danger is for someone who is 13 who gets caught up high in bad weather and run out of bottled oxygen. Issues with cerebral impairment might then crop up.

Jordan’s group still has to make the trek down the mountain, a dangerous route that every year claims lives. After that, to complete his goal he has to climb one more mountain: Vinson Massif in Antarctica.

Hero from India

Not to be outdone, a 16-year-old schoolboy from the National Capital Region in India, Arjun Vajpai, became the youngest Indian to successfully climb the world’s highest peak, 8,848-metre-high Mount Everest, via the traditional South Col route in Nepal.

His mother Priya Vajpai is over the moon at her son’s achievement. She reports that she has no words to describe just how proud she was. She knew that he was going to push for the peak on May 22 2010 on a Saturday morning and when at 6.30 a.m., members of the team coordinating the climb phoned to tell them that Arjun had successfully managed to climb Mt. Everest and that he was safe, they all jumped for joy.

They are yet to speak to him and are waiting for him to reach back to his base camp. Admitting that she had been worried about Arjun’s safety when he told them about his decision to join a group trying to conquer the Everest, Ms. Vajpai told that Arjun’s self-motivation and determination was contagious and that they had to trust him about this decision. When she expressed her concern about the risk involved in the climb, he told her to stop worrying.

Arjun is a student of Ryan International School, at Sector 39 in Noida. According to his mother, he has been always been an outdoor person and loves trekking, hiking, football and basket ball. He was introduced to mountaineering only three years ago, but took to it like a fish to water.

Arjun was part of a 12-member expedition team that has a record number of Indian climbers trying their luck individually. His father Sanjiv Vajpai, a former Army officer, said he was initially afraid to let Arjun go on the expedition. But his instructors at the Nehru Mountaineering Institute, where he did two mountaineering courses, said he had both the physical and mental ability to summit Mt. Everest and so his parents decided to let him go.

Arjun equalled the record of a Nepalese Sherpa Temba Tsheri, who also climbed the peak when he was sixteen. Arjun’s team was led by Apa Sherpa, 50, who broke his own record to become the first man to climb the peak for a record 20th time.

The Noida boy also broke the record of Krushnaa Patil, 18, from Maharashtra, who became the youngest Indian to reach the highest peak in 2009.

Along with Arjun, also making it to the top was an Indian woman Mamta Sodha, who reached the summit at 10:24 a.m. The feat of the two was conveyed to PTI on phone by Chunu Shrestha of the Asian Trekkers, who had organised the expedition.

*****

World Classical Tamil Conference, 2010

Monday, May 24th, 2010

Jeyanthi S

The World Tamil Conferences are a series of occasional conferences held by the government of Tamil Nadu, which aim to unite Tamil people around the world.

The ninth World Tamil Conference (and the first world Classical Tamil Conference) was held in the city of Coimbatore in June 23 to 27,  2010. Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi unveiled the logo at the Secretariat in the presence of Deputy Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, Information Minister Parithi Ellamvazhuthi, scholars V.C. Kulandaiswamy and Iravatham Mahadevan, Chief Secretary K.S. Sripathi, Tamil University Vice-Chancellor M. Rajendran, and Special Officer for the conference K. Allaudin. With Coimbatore getting ready to host the World Classical Tamil Conference in June 2010, industrial associations in Tamil Nadu have sought measures on a war-footing to improve the roads and water bodies in the city.The image of saint-poet Thiruvalluvar’s statue in Kanyakumari, lashed by tsunami waves and encircled by seven icons from the Indus Valley Civilization, forms part of the logo of the World Classical Tamil Conference to be held in Coimbatore in June. The number of icons stresses the importance of ‘seven’ in the lives of Tamils.

The logo emphasizes the ideal of the mankind that it should always be free of narrow walls of race, creed and caste differentiation. The message is found in a palm leaf manuscript at the bottom of the statue and has been declared the motto of the meet.

According to an official release the figures of the Indus Valley Civilization icons, found in the logo, symbolize the Dravidian civilization, which is regarded as one of the four ancient civilizations. Tamil, a Dravidian language spoken predominantly by Tamil people of the Indian subcontinent has an official status in the Indian state of TamilNadu. Tamil is also an official language of Sri Lanka and Singapore. It is one of the twenty-two scheduled languages of India and the first Indian language to be declared as a classical language by the government of India in 2004. Tamil is also spoken by significant minorities in Malaysia, Mauritius and Réunion as well as many people of Tamil origin around the world.

President of the Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Coimbatore, Mahendra Ramdas, who was part of the delegation reported that the delegation focused primarily on short-term infrastructure development as visitors would be coming from different countries and other parts of the State. The existing roads would not be enough to handle the traffic to and from the CODISSIA Trade Fair Complex, the venue for the conference. In May 2010, Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi launched the website (www.ulakathamizhchemmozhi.org) for the World Classical Tamil Conference to be held in Coimbatore in June 2010.According to news sources the website which is designed in Tamil and English, has various sections relating to the theme of the conference. Announcements made on the meet, the significance of Coimbatore   and the historical background of the declaration of Tamil as a classical language. A provision for online registration has also been made on the website.

Also included on the website are links to the Tamil University, Tamil Virtual University, and International Forum for Information Technology in Tamil (INFITT), Thinnai and Project Tamil has been provided in the website.

According to news releases M. Rajendran, Tamil University Vice-Chancellor and coordinator of the Academic Committee for the meet, explained in detail features of the website.

Later, Mr. Karunanidhi told reporters that a massive rally would be taken out on June 27, 2010, the final day of the conference. The meet would begin on June 23, 2010. Several committees are being formed in connection with the meet. The expenses of the conference would be monitored by the Chief Secretary, Finance Secretary, Special Officer and the District Collector. The government would meet whatever requirements indicated by the officials.

The theme song by the renowned music director of international fame A.R.Rahman for the World Classical Tamil Conference, encapsulating the contributions of Tamil culture and literature down the ages, was officially launched by its author and Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi at a function during May 2010.

Mr. Karunanidhi said that it was no mean feat to illustrate in a poem the glory of different classical works written in various periods ranging from the Sang am era to the post-Sangam period, including those of Kamban and Kalamegam.

Explaining the central message of the song, the Chief Minister said all were equal by birth and they should have the feeling that they remained so even later and they should live as one race.

The conference, to be held in Coimbatore in June 2010, would begin with the rendering of the theme song.

Pointing out that the song would popularize the Tamil meet; the Chief Minister said 205 scholars from 27 countries would attend. There would be 53 experts from Sri Lanka, 37 from Singapore, 29 from Malaysia, 22 from the U.S. and 14 from Canada.

He said that for nearly 70 years, he had devoted himself to the promotion of Tamil language. He respected those who worked for the language.

A.R. Rahman is scoring the music for the song. As per the Chief Minister, the music director who is still recovering after a spinal surgery, was an example of how confidence and hard work would make one successful and his life would serve as a role model for youth.

Tamil is a universal language, according to Mr. Rahman who said it should not be confined to a small circle. How would the Coimbatore conference be different from the earlier World Tamil Conferences? The Coimbatore meet would be as special as the Chennai meet that had been held under C.N. Annadurai’s leadership several years ago. The Chief Minister added that infrastructure improvement schemes would be taken up in Coimbatore district. The Conference should be used to foster unity among Tamils, said the Chief Minister   and was keen that political parties should transcend their differences on occasions that would reflect Tamil sentiments and promote the language. Participants  are a total of 1,244 delegates from various countries.

Click here to cancel reply. There had been a controversy regarding the non-inclusion of the poet Kamban, or his work, Kamba Ramayanam by a few scholars including Indira Parthasarathy. Respecting the sentiments of such scholars, Mr. Karunanidhi had a relook at the song and included a reference to the poet. On May 15 2010, the revised theme song, scored by A.R. Rahman and filmed by Gautham Vasudev Menon, was launched at a function here.

Kamban is an extra-ordinary poet who is hailed as Kavi Chakravarthi. Subramany Bharatiyar identified Kamban, Thiruvalluvar and Ilango Adigal as the trinity of Tamil poets. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri (1892-1975), historian and author of the seminal work, A History of South India, described Kamba Ramayanam as the greatest epic in Tamil literature.

“In the Tamil literary firmament, Kampar shone like a star, inaccessible to others,” M. Varadarajan (1912-1974), known as Mu.Va and widely regarded as an authority in Tamil studies, wrote in A History of Tamil Literature, an English version of which was published by the Sahitya Akademi in 1988.

Both Mu.Va (widely regarded as an authority in Tamil studies) and Nilakanta Sastri did not accord much value to other works of the poet. In fact,  Mu. Va wrote that Kamba Ramayanam was the only work that upheld Kamban’s fame as a poet. On the question of the quality of work produced by Kamban, both Mu. Va and Nilakanta Sastri were emphatic in saying that though Valmiki Ramayanam was the basis of the work, Kamba Ramayanam was neither a translation nor a prototype of the original.

He had also recorded the position of some scholars that it was only due to Kamban the cult of Rama spread to the whole of the country. Besides, Kamban’s work is characterised not just by the beauty of the language, magnificent descriptions and embellishments but also the poet’s insight into human nature.

The first World Classical Tamil Conference got off to a rousing start in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu India on 23.10.2010 in the presence of a massive gathering. Distinguished speakers, led by President Pratibha Devisingh Patil, hailed Tamil, which has the oldest literature among the living languages of the world.

Inauguration

Inaugurating the five-day event on 23.06.2010, the President of India Pratibha Patil said that many concepts intrinsic to India’s society and critical to its polity were found in Tamil discourse over the millennia. The message of peace, universality and the spirit of equality was propounded in a Sangam poem more than 2000 years ago, she said, referring to a poem in Purananooru.

Award

She presented the Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi Classical Tamil Award to Asko Parpola, renowned Indologist, for his work on the Dravidian hypothesis in the interpretation of the Indus script. He said Old Tamil was best preserved in Dravidian linguistic traditions.

Classical status

Presiding over the inauguration, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi said there was a worldwide consensus that Tamil possessed greater merits than the 11 parameters laid down for declaring a language classical. “Tamil is not only an international language; it is like a mother for all the languages of the world,” he said.

Governor Surjit Singh Barnala, who handed over the first copy of the conference souvenir to Ms. Patil, referred to the influence of the Tamil language in several important language families of the world and said the language had been ever-growing.

27.06.2010

The first World Classical Tamil Conference, 2010 in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, India came to an end on 27.06.2010 with Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi announcing a plan of action for Tamil promotion and development.

Delivering the valedictory address of the five-day conference (23.06.2010 to 27.06.2010), Mr. Karunanidhi said a Rs.100-crore fund would be established for Tamil development. This would be a follow-up to the “good work” done at the meet.

The Chief Minister said efforts would be taken for translating well-known Tamil works into other Indian, Asian and European languages. Significant works of other languages would also be translated to Tamil. The government would create “genetic heritage gardens” in five distinct zones of the State as spelt out in the Sangam poetry.

Noting the presence of Union Ministers for Finance and Home Affairs Pranab Mukherjee and P. Chidambaram on the occasion, the Chief Minister appealed to the Centre to extend financial assistance for a number of initiatives announced by him.

The proposed Tholkappiyar Classical Tamil Sangam at Madurai would take efforts for conducting the World Classical Tamil Conference periodically. Referring to the 15-year long gap in holding a mega Tamil meet, he assured people that this would not recur. On the Sri Lankan Tamils question, Mr. Karunanidhi said no political solution had been found so far. “This is a matter of pain and deep concern to lakhs and lakhs of world Tamils who have gathered at this World Classical Tamil Conference.”

He called for a detailed plan to carry out marine archaeological research on the mythical Kumari continent and Poompuhar. He reiterated his request made earlier to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for locating the proposed Indian National Institute of Epigraphy in Chennai.

Presiding over the function, Mr. Mukherjee expressed the hope that lessons from the conference would inspire many more accomplishments in future.

Describing the Chief Minister as a man of perfection, he commended him and the State government for the successful conduct of the Conference. Referring to the popular response to three exhibitions held as part of the WCTC, he said this was evident in the fact that the duration of the exhibitions was extended by a week.

Mr. Chidambaram wanted Tamil books to be published in different disciplines such as science, law, economics and geology. He suggested that at least 100 titles be published in such disciplines, for which a sum of Rs. 10 lakh would be required by authors and publishers for each title. Totally, Rs. 10 crore would be needed and this was not a big amount for the State government.

The Union Minister requested the Chief Minister to ensure that the amount was set apart. Mr Karunanidhi, in his address, responded to his suggestion positively.

Next World Classical Tamil Conference

The World Classical Tamil Conference (WCTC) will be held in Tamil Nadu State once in five years, according to Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi.

Giving an account of the scale of participation in the conference, he said 913 papers on 55 subjects were presented. Of the total number of papers, 152 were submitted by foreign delegates. There were 2,605 delegates, including 840 foreigners. About 1.7 lakh people visited the general exhibition in the last four days. The WCTC souvenir contained 129 articles and 34 poems.

Around 1.5 lakh people witnessed various events at the conference complex every day. About five lakh people watched the pageantry taken out on the inaugural day on 23.06.2010. The Rs.30-meal was provided to four lakh people.

As for the Tamil Internet Conference (TIC) that was held concurrently, there were 500 participants and 110 papers presented. Over one lakh people visited the Internet Exhibition. The TIC souvenir had 130 articles.

Noting that Rs.68.5 crore was spent on organising the WCTC, the Chief Minister said a sum of Rs.243 crore was set apart for infrastructure development in and around the city of Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu.

*****

Failed Time Square Bomb Attack, 2010

Monday, May 24th, 2010

Bharathi B

Three heroic cops and a quick-thinking street vendor stopped a madman from detonating a car bomb in the heart of Times Square in New York, U.S.A on 1 May 2010 Saturday night.

Police sources said that it looked as though someone had tried to detonate it and that they got to it in time. The federal government viewed the incident a “potential terrorist attack,” Cops evacuated and shut down the Times Square May 1 2010, but all streets were reopened by 7:30 a.m. the next day.

The suspect’s vehicle, a dark blue 1993 Nissan Pathfinder sport utility vehicle with dark tinted windows, entered Times Square at approximately 6:28 p.m. Eastern Daylight Time on May 1, 2010, as seen on surveillance video The source of the news was a T-shirt vendor – a Vietnam vet – who told Officer Wayne Rhatigan that there was smoke coming from a Nissan SUV on the southwest corner of 45th St. and Broadway at about 6:30 p.m. Rhatigan approached the car, saw the smoke and sprang into action. The officer smelt gunpowder and knew it might blow. He alerted two rookie female cops patrolling the area. Together, they pushed hundreds of people away from the scene as they called for backup. The Fire Department and bomb squad rushed to the scene.

The team found in the rear of the vehicle:

  1. two travel alarm clocks with batteries that apparently were fashioned as triggering devices, connected by electrical wires to
  2. two red full 5-gallon cans of gasoline, sandwiching
  3. 40+ consumer-grade M-88 firecrackers inside a 20-ounce metal container (wrapped in duct tape, with its end removed),
  4. gunpowder,
  5. three full 20-gallon propane tanks, and
  6. a 55-inch (1,400 mm) x 32-inch (810 mm) green metal gun locker that contained:
  7. a metal pressure cooker pot containing a thicket of wires, that also connected to the alarm clocks;
  8. 250 pounds (113 kg) of urea-based fertilizer in 8 plastic bags; and
  9. 120 M-88s.

Police spokesman Paul Browne said cops were investigating a report that someone was seen running from the vehicle at some point and are reviewing security videotapes. Cops began evacuating the Crossroads of the World as the bomb squad used a robot to get inside the car. Tourists rushed out of the Marriott Marquis hotel and several Broadway shows.

Two days after the incident, federal agents arrested Faisal Shahzad, a 30-year-old Pakistan-born resident of Bridgeport, Connecticut, who had become a US citizen in April 2009. He was arrested after he had boarded Emirates Flight 202 to Dubai at John F. Kennedy International Airport, and it had begun to taxi towards the runway, but was called back. He admitted attempting the car bombing and said that he was trained at aPakistani terrorist training camp, according to U.S. officials.

United States Attorney General Eric Holder said that Shahzad’s intent had been “to kill Americans”. Shahzad was charged in federal court in Manhattan on May 4 2010 with “terrorism and attempted use of a weapon of mass destruction.” More than a dozen people were arrested by Pakistani officials in connection with the plot. Shahzad told interrogators that he was “inspired by” Anwar- al- Awlaki, with whom he was reportedly in internet contact. An initial claim of responsibility by the Pakistani Taliban was dismissed at first; however, Holder later said the Pakistani Taliban directed the attack and may have financed the same. John Brennan, President Obama’s chief counterterrorism adviser, said that it’s a group that was closely allied with Al-Qaeda.

Since then, three more people have been arrested on suspicion of supporting the man who has been charged with the failed Times Square bomb plot. The three men are all of Pakistani origin and they are in police custody. Police say they have not yet established if they gave the money towards the failed bomb plot or helped Faisal in some other way.

The men have not yet been charged and police said that the investigations are ongoing to ascertain their exact role in the failed May 1 bomb attack. Faisal Shazhad said that he collected several thousands of dollars from the arrested men in the days leading to the May 1 2010 failed attacks.

Meanwhile US law enforcement authorities say Shazhad has been cooperative with authorities since his arrest aboard an Emirates flight bound for Dubai. Authorities say Shazhad is giving them all the information that they need concerning the connections and links that he has and this has been very helpful for the authorities.

Mr. Shazhad who has told authorities that he learnt how to make bombs in Pakistan, prior to the failed attempt on the New York Times Square is pressing for a speedy trial.

Faisal Shazhad had other targets in mind besides the New York Times Square where his bombing plan failed, according to the investigators. Shazhad who investigators say have confirmed that he worked for the Pakistani Taliban, has been cooperating with investigators after his arrest from a Dubai bound Emirates flight.

Shazhad’s other targets included New York’s Rockefeller Center, the World Financial Center, Grand Central Terminal and Sikorsky in Connecticut. Shazhad had actually gone ahead and done surveillance on these places, according to an official of the counterterrorism unit, who disclosed these details to the media.

Investigators believed the car bomb was actually made up of four separate, individual explosive components — in effect, four bombs comprising one large bomb. The firecrackers would have started the process by setting off triggering devices, attached to the gasoline. That would have created an explosion that would then have in turn set off the propane and the fertilizer. A cell phone and wristwatch recovered from the vehicle may have been intended as separate timing/triggering devices. The maker of the “bomb” incorrectly surmised that the urea/sugar mixture fertilizer would work like the ammonium nitrate-based fertilizer which was used in the Oklahoma City bombing.

The improvised explosive device’s ignition source malfunctioned, however, and failed to set it off as intended.  Had it detonated, NYC Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly said the bomb would have cut the car in half, and “would have caused casualties, a significant fireball.” Police said the bomb would likely also have sprayed shrapnel, and killed or wounded many people.

On 23 may 2010, the Pakistani police detained another man on suspicion of having links with Pakistani- American terror suspect Faisal Shahzad. The man was taken into custody by over two dozen policemen, some in civilian clothes, who raided the posh Kohsar Marke. The man who put up some resistance, was handcuffed and taken in a vehicle to an undisclosed place. According to witnesses, the man in his mid-30s came to the market at about 7 pm on 23 May 2010, and sat in an open area. He kept calling or sending messages on his cell phone, before the raid at about 10:30 pm.

Media reports have said that the ISI is conducting the investigation into Shahzad’s links and contacts in Pakistan. Seven men have either been picked up or gone missing since May 10 2010 in Islamabad, including Suleman Ashraf, the son of the owner of ‘Hanif Rajput Catering Service’, and Ahmed Raza Khan. These men are believed to have been detained by intelligence operatives for alleged links with Shahzad.

Ashraf allegedly provided financial help to Shahzad when he was studying at the University of Houston. He returned to Pakistan from the US in 2001 after getting a bachelor’s degree in computer science. He was last seen by his family when he left for his office at about 11 am on May 10. Ashraf’s wife lodged a complaint on May 19, 2010 with the Supreme Court’s Human Right Cell about his disappearance. Ashraf’s father claims that his son had no relations with Shahzad.

The US embassy in Pakistan has issued a warning to US government personnel and American citizens about terrorist groups forging links with the Hanif Rajput Catering Service.

However, unnamed security officials have been quoted in media reports as saying that Shahzad lived in Ashraf’s house in Islamabad for some time.

*****

Haiti earthquake, 2010

Monday, May 17th, 2010

Bharathi B

Large-scale earthquake that occurred January 12, 2010, on the West Indian island of Hispaniola, comprising the countries of Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Most severely affected was Haiti, occupying the western third of the island. More than 2,00,000 people were killed, and over a million were displaced by the disaster.

The earthquake

The earthquake hit at 4:53 pm some 15 miles (25 km) southwest of the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince. The initial shock registered a magnitude of 7.0 and was soon followed by two aftershocks of magnitudes 5.9 and 5.5. More aftershocks occurred in the following days, including another one of magnitude 5.9 that struck on January 20 at Petit Goâve, a town some 35 miles (55 km) west of Port-au-Prince. Seismologists asserted that minor tremors would likely persist for months or even years. Haiti had not been hit by an earthquake of such enormity since the 18th century, the closest in force being a 1984 shock of magnitude 6.9. A magnitude-8.0 earthquake had struck the Dominican Republic in 1946.

The earthquake was generated by the movement of the Caribbean tectonic plate eastward along the Enriquillo–Plantain Garden strike-slip fault system, a transform boundary that separates the Gonâve microplate—the fragment of the North American Plate upon which Haiti is situated—from the Caribbean Plate. Occurring at a depth of 8.1 miles (13 km), the temblor was fairly shallow, which increased the degree of shaking at the Earth’s surface. The shocks were felt throughout Haiti and the Dominican Republic as well as in parts of nearby Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico. The densely populated region around Port-au-Prince, located on the Gulf of Gonâve, was among those most heavily affected. Farther south the city of Jacmel also sustained significant damage, and to the west the city of Léogâne, even closer to the epicentre than Port-au-Prince, was essentially leveled.

A country in ruins

The collapsed buildings defining the landscape of the disaster area came as a consequence of Haiti’s lack of building codes. Without adequate reinforcement, the buildings disintegrated under the force of the quake, killing or trapping their occupants. In Port-au-Prince the cathedral and the National Palace were both heavily damaged, as were the United Nations headquarters, national penitentiary, and parliament building. The city, already beset by a strained and inadequate infrastructure and still recovering from the two tropical storms and two hurricanes of August–September 2008, was ill-equipped to deal with such a disaster. Other affected areas of the country—faced with comparable weaknesses—were similarly unprepared.

In the aftermath of the quake, efforts by citizens and international aid organizations to provide medical assistance, food, and water to survivors were hampered by the failure of the electric power system (which already was unreliable), loss of communication lines, and roads blocked with debris. A week after the event, little aid had reached beyond Port-au-Prince; after another week, supplies were being distributed only sporadically to other urban areas. Operations to rescue those trapped under the wreckage—which had freed over 100 people—had mostly ceased two weeks into the crisis, as hope that anyone could have survived for that length of time without food or water began to fade. However, there were still occasional recoveries of people who had managed to survive such confinement for weeks by rationing the meagre supplies available to them.

A people in crisis

It was estimated that some three million people were affected by the quake—nearly one-third of the country’s total population. Of these, over one million were left homeless. In the devastated urban areas, the displaced were forced to squat in ersatz cities composed of found materials and donated tents. Looting—restrained in the early days following the quake—became more prevalent in the absence of sufficient supplies and was exacerbated in the capital by the escape of several thousand prisoners from the damaged penitentiary. In the second week of the aftermath, many urbanites began streaming into outlying areas, either of their own volition or as a result of governmental relocation programs engineered to alleviate crowded and unsanitary conditions. Those who remained were encouraged by aid agencies to construct more-substantial provisional housing using tarpaulins—and, later, donated lumber and sheet metal—in preparation for the rainy season and the hurricane season.

Because many hospitals had been rendered unusable, survivors were forced to wait days for treatment and, with morgues quickly reaching capacity, corpses were stacked in the streets. The onset of decay forced the interment of many bodies in mass graves, and recovery of those buried under the rubble was impeded by a shortage of heavy-lifting equipment, making death tolls difficult to determine. Figures released by Haitian government officials at the end of March placed the death toll at 222,570 people, though there was significant disagreement over the exact figure, and some estimated that nearly a hundred thousand more had perished. Given the difficulty of observing documentation procedures in the rush to dispose of the dead, it was considered unlikely that a definitive total would ever be established.

Further deaths occurred as serious injuries went untreated in the absence of medical staff and supplies. The orphans created by these mass mortalities—as well as those whose parents had died prior to the quake—were left vulnerable to abuse and human trafficking. Though adoptions of Haitian children by foreign nationals—particularly in the United States—were expedited, the process was slowed by the efforts of Haitian and foreign authorities to ensure that the children did not have living relatives, as orphanages had often temporarily accommodated the children of the destitute.

Because the infrastructure of the country’s computer network was largely unaffected, electronic media emerged as a useful mode for connecting those separated by the quake and for coordinating relief efforts. Survivors who were able to access the Internet—and friends and relatives abroad—took to social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook in search of information on those missing in the wake of the catastrophe. Feeds from these sites also assisted aid organizations in constructing maps of the areas affected and in determining where to channel resources. The many Haitians lacking Internet access were able to contribute updates via text messaging on mobile phones.

The general disorder created by the earthquake—combined with the destruction of the country’s electoral headquarters and the death of UN officials working in concert with the Haitian electoral council—prompted Haitian Pres. René Préval to defer legislative elections that had been scheduled for the end of February. Préval’s term in office was set to end the following year.

Humanitarian aid

Humanitarian aid was promised by numerous organizations—spearheaded by the United Nations and the International Red Cross—and many countries in the region and around the world sent doctors, relief workers, and supplies. Former U.S. president Bill Clinton, who had in May 2009 been named the UN special envoy to Haiti, was assigned the task of coordinating the efforts of the disparate aid initiatives. In the months following the disaster, Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive expressed concern that foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)—which were numerous in Haiti even prior to the quake and which bore responsibility for diverse aspects of the recovery—were not sufficiently accounting for the use of their resources, making it challenging for the Haitian government to assess where its own resources could best be deployed. The NGOs, in turn, were hindered by their own unwieldy bureaucratic structures and found interorganizational communication difficult. The U.S. military—though providing considerable initial support in the form of equipment, logistics coordination, and personnel—had withdrawn all but a fraction of its forces by the second week of March, leaving UN peacekeepers and Haitian police to maintain order.

Using a model that had proved successful in Europe after the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, programs were initiated abroad whereby mobile phone users could make donations via text messages. A sizeable portion of the aid gathered in the United States was channeled through mobile phone companies. A celebrity telethon hosted by Haitian American rapper Wyclef Jean in New York City and American actor George Clooney in Los Angeles and featuring numerous other entertainers was broadcast internationally and generated over $60 million.

A significant portion of Haiti’s debt had been cancelled the previous year as part of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, but the country still owed more than $1 billion to a range of creditors. With its economy barely functioning, the country appeared unlikely to meet those obligations. In February the G7 countries forgave the remaining portion of Haiti’s debt to them, and in March the Inter-American Development Bank forgave $447 million and pledged over $30 million in further support. A UN donor conference in New York City in late March generated pledges of $9.9 billion, with $5.3 billion to be used during the first two years of reconstruction efforts. The bulk of the sum was put forth by the United States and the European Union (EU). The donor conference also established the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, a partnership between the Haitian government and foreign donors that, under the chairmanship of Clinton and Préval, would disburse aid funds to a variety of reconstruction efforts. The commission was approved by the Haitian parliament in April, 2010.

*****

Earthquake – the ought-to-know Facts

Monday, May 17th, 2010

Earthquake is the sudden shaking of the ground caused by a disturbance deeper within the crust of the Earth.

Most earthquakes occur when masses of rock straining against one another along fault lines suddenly fracture and slip. The Earth’s major earthquakes occur mainly in belts coinciding with the margins of tectonic plates. These include the Circum-Pacific Belt, which affects New Zealand, New Guinea, Japan, the Aleutian Islands, Alaska, and the western coasts of North and South America; the Alpide Belt, which passes through the Mediterranean region eastward through Asia; oceanic ridges in the Arctic, Atlantic, and western Indian oceans; and the rift valleys of East Africa. The “size,” or magnitude, of earthquakes is usually expressed in terms of the Richter scale, which assigns levels from 1.0 or lower to 8.0 or higher. The largest quake ever recorded (Richter magnitude 9.5) occurred off the coast of Chile in 1960. The “strength” of an earthquake is rated in intensity scales such as the Mercalli scale, which assigns qualitative measures of damage to terrain and structures that range from “not felt” to “damage nearly total.” The most destructive quake of modern times occurred in 1976, when the city of Tangshan, China, was leveled and more than 250,000 people killed.

It is any sudden shaking of the ground caused by the passage of seismic waves through the Earth’s rocks. Seismic waves are produced when some form of energy stored in the Earth’s crust is suddenly released, usually when masses of rock straining against one another suddenly fracture and “slip.” Earthquakes occur most often along geologic faults, narrow zones where rock masses move in relation to one another. The major fault lines of the world are located at the fringes of the huge tectonic plates that make up the Earth’s crust.

Little was understood about earthquakes until the emergence of seismology at the beginning of the 20th century. Seismology, which involves the scientific study of all aspects of earthquakes, has yielded answers to such long-standing questions as why and how earthquakes occur.

About 50,000 earthquakes large enough to be noticed without the aid of instruments occur annually over the entire Earth. Of these, approximately 100 are of sufficient size to produce substantial damage if their centres are near areas of habitation. Very great earthquakes occur on average about once per year. Over the centuries they have been responsible for millions of deaths and an incalculable amount of damage to property (see the table of major historical earthquakes).

Notable earthquakes in history
year affected area magnitude intensity approximate number of deaths comments
c. 1500 BCE Knossos, Crete (Greece) X One of several events that leveled the capital of Minoan civilization, this quake accompanied the explosion of the nearby volcanic island of Thera.
27 BCE Thebes (Egypt) This quake cracked one of the statues known as the Colossi of Memnon, and for almost two centuries the “singing Memnon” emitted musical tones on certain mornings as it was warmed by the Sun’s rays.
62 CE Pompeii and Herculaneum (Italy) X These two prosperous Roman cities had not yet recovered from the quake of 62 when they were buried by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79.
115 Antioch (Antakya, Turkey) XI A centre of Hellenistic and early Christian culture, Antioch suffered many devastating quakes; this one almost killed the visiting Roman emperor Trajan.
1556 Shaanxi province (China) IX 830,000 This may have been the deadliest earthquake ever recorded.
1650 Cuzco (Peru) 8.1 VIII Many of Cuzco’s Baroque monuments date to the rebuilding of the city after this quake.
1692 Port Royal (Jamaica) 2,000 Much of this British West Indies port, a notorious haven for buccaneers and slave traders, sank beneath the sea following the quake.
1693 southeastern Sicily (Italy) XI 93,000 Syracuse, Catania, and Ragusa were almost completely destroyed but were rebuilt with a Baroque splendour that still attracts tourists.
1755 Lisbon, Portugal XI 62,000 The Lisbon earthquake of 1755 was felt as far away as Algiers and caused a tsunami that reached the Caribbean.
1780 Tabriz (Iran) 7.7 200,000 This ancient highland city was destroyed and rebuilt, as it had been in 791, 858, 1041, and 1721 and would be again in 1927.
1811–12 New Madrid, Mo. (U.S.) 8.0 to 8.8 XII A series of quakes at the New Madrid Fault caused few deaths, but the New Madrid earthquake of 1811–12 rerouted portions of the Mississippi River and was felt from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico.
1812 Caracas (Venezuela) 9.6 X 26,000 A provincial town in 1812, Caracas recovered and eventually became Venezuela’s capital.
1835 Concepción, Chile 8.5 35 British naturalist Charles Darwin, witnessing this quake, marveled at the power of the Earth to destroy cities and alter landscapes.
1886 Charleston, S.C., U.S. IX 60 This was one of the largest quakes ever to hit the eastern United States.
1895 Ljubljana (Slovenia) 6.1 VIII Modern Ljubljana is said to have been born in the rebuilding after this quake.
1906 San Francisco, Calif., U.S. 7.9 XI 700 San Francisco still dates its modern development from the San Francisco earthquake of 1906 and the resulting fires.
1908 Messina and Reggio di Calabria, Italy 7.5 XII 110,000 These two cities on the Strait of Messina were almost completely destroyed in what is said to be Europe’s worst earthquake ever.
1920 Gansu province, China 8.5 200,000 Many of the deaths in this quake-prone province were caused by huge landslides.
1923 Tokyo-Yokohama, Japan 7.9 142,800 Japan’s capital and its principal port, located on soft alluvial ground, suffered severely from the Tokyo-Yokohama earthquake of 1923.
1931 Hawke Bay, New Zealand 7.9 256 The bayside towns of Napier and Hastings were rebuilt in an Art Deco style that is now a great tourist attraction.
1935 Quetta (Pakistan) 7.5 X 20,000 The capital of Balochistan province was severely damaged in the most destructive quake to hit South Asia in the 20th century.
1948 Ashgabat (Turkmenistan) 7.3 X 176,000 Every year, Turkmenistan commemorates the utter destruction of its capital in this quake.
1950 Assam, India 8.7 X 574 The largest quake ever recorded in South Asia killed relatively few people in a lightly populated region along the Indo-Chinese border.
1960 Valdivia and Puerto Montt, Chile 9.5 XI 5,700 The Chile earthquake of 1960, the largest quake ever recorded in the world, produced a tsunami that crossed the Pacific Ocean to Japan, where it killed more than 100 people.
1963 Skopje, Macedonia 6.9 X 1,070 The capital of Macedonia had to be rebuilt almost completely following this quake.
1964 Prince William Sound, Alaska, U.S. 9.2 131 Anchorage, Seward, and Valdez were damaged, but most deaths in the Alaska earthquake of 1964 were caused by tsunamis in Alaska and as far away as California.
1970 Chimbote, Peru 7.9 70,000 Most of the damage and loss of life resulting from the Ancash earthquake was caused by landslides and the collapse of poorly constructed buildings.
1972 Managua, Nicaragua 6.2 10,000 The centre of the capital of Nicaragua was almost completely destroyed and has never been rebuilt.
1976 Guatemala City, Guatemala 7.5 IX 23,000 Rebuilt following a series of devastating quakes in 1917-18, the capital of Guatemala again suffered great destruction.
1976 Tangshan, China 8.0 X 242,000 In the Tangshan earthquake of 1976, this industrial city was almost completely destroyed in the worst earthquake disaster in modern history.
1985 Michoacán state and Mexico City, Mexico 8.1 IX 10,000 The centre of Mexico City, built largely on the soft subsoil of an ancient lake, suffered great damage in the Mexico City earthquake of 1985.
1988 Spitak and Gyumri, Armenia 6.8 X 25,000 This quake destroyed nearly one-third of Armenia’s industrial capacity.
1989 Loma Prieta, Calif., U.S. 7.1 IX 62 The San Francisco-Oakland earthquake, the first sizable movement of the San Andreas Fault since 1906, collapsed a section of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge.
1994 Northridge, Calif., U.S. 6.8 IX 60 Centred in the urbanized San Fernando Valley, the Northridge earthquake collapsed freeways and some buildings, but damage was limited by earthquake-resistant construction.
1995 Kobe, Japan 6.9 XI 5,502 The Great Hanshin Earthquake destroyed or damaged 200,000 buildings and left 300,000 people homeless.
1999 Izmit, Turkey 7.4 X 17,000 The Izmit earthquake heavily damaged the industrial city of Izmit and the naval base at Golcuk.
1999 Nan-t’ou county, Taiwan 7.7 X 2,400 The Taiwan earthquake of 1999, the worst to hit Taiwan since 1935, provided a wealth of digitized data for seismic and engineering studies.
2001 Bhuj, Gujarat state, India 8.0 X 20,000 This quake, possibly the deadliest ever to hit India, was felt across India and Pakistan.
2003 Bam, Iran 6.6 IX 26,000 This ancient Silk Road fortress city, built mostly of mud brick, was almost completely destroyed.
2004 Aceh province, Sumatra, Indonesia 9.0 200,000 The deaths resulting from this offshore quake actually were caused by a tsunami originating in the Indian Ocean that, in addition to killing more than 150,000 in Indonesia, killed people as far away as Sri Lanka and Somalia.
2005 Azad Kashmir (Pakistani-administered Kashmir) 7.6 VIII 80,000 The Kashmir earthquake, perhaps the deadliest shock ever to strike South Asia, left hundreds of thousands of people exposed to the coming winter weather.
2008 Sichuan province, China 7.9 69,000 The Sichuan earthquake of 2008 left over 5 million people homeless across the region, and over half of Beichuan City was destroyed by the initial seismic event and the release of water from a lake formed by nearby landslides.
2010 Port-au-Prince, Haiti 7.0 IX 200,000 The Haiti earthquake of 2010 devastated the metropolitan area of Port-au-Prince and left an estimated 1.5 million survivors homeless.
2010 Maule, Chile 8.8 VIII The Chile earthquake of 2010 produced widespread damage in Chile’s central region and triggered tsunami warnings throughout the Pacific basin.

The nature of earthquakes

Causes of earthquakes

The Earth’s major earthquakes occur mainly in belts coinciding with the margins of tectonic plates . This has long been apparent from early catalogs of felt earthquakes and is even more readily discernible in modern seismicity maps, which show instrumentally determined epicentres. The most important earthquake belt is the Circum-Pacific Belt, which affects many populated coastal regions around the Pacific Ocean—for example, those of New Zealand, New Guinea, Japan, the Aleutian Islands, Alaska, and the western coasts of North and South America. It is estimated that 80 percent of the energy presently released in earthquakes comes from those whose epicentres are in this belt. The seismic activity is by no means uniform throughout the belt, and there are a number of branches at various points. Because at many places the Circum-Pacific Belt is associated with volcanic activity, it has been popularly dubbed the “Pacific Ring of Fire.”

A second belt, known as the Alpide Belt, passes through the Mediterranean region eastward through Asia and joins the Circum-Pacific Belt in the East Indies. The energy released in earthquakes from this belt is about 15 percent of the world total. There also are striking connected belts of seismic activity, mainly along oceanic ridges—including those in the Arctic Ocean, the Atlantic Ocean, and the western Indian Ocean—and along the rift valleys of East Africa. This global seismicity distribution is best understood in terms of its plate tectonic setting.

Natural forces

Earthquakes are caused by the sudden release of energy within some limited region of the rocks of the Earth. The energy can be released by elastic strain, gravity, chemical reactions, or even the motion of massive bodies. Of all these the release of elastic strain is the most important cause, because this form of energy is the only kind that can be stored in sufficient quantity in the Earth to produce major disturbances. Earthquakes associated with this type of energy release are called tectonic earthquakes.

Tectonics

Tectonic earthquakes are explained by the so-called elastic rebound theory, formulated by the American geologist Harry Fielding Reid after the San Andreas Fault ruptured in 1906, generating the great San Francisco earthquake. According to the theory, a tectonic earthquake occurs when strains in rock masses have accumulated to a point where the resulting stresses exceed the strength of the rocks, and sudden fracturing results. The fractures propagate rapidly through the rock, usually tending in the same direction and sometimes extending many kilometres along a local zone of weakness. In 1906, for instance, the San Andreas Fault slipped along a plane 430 km (270 miles) long. Along this line the ground was displaced horizontally as much as 6 metres (20 feet).

As a fault rupture progresses along or up the fault, rock masses are flung in opposite directions and thus spring back to a position where there is less strain. At any one point this movement may take place not at once but rather in irregular steps; these sudden slowings and restartings give rise to the vibrations that propagate as seismic waves. Such irregular properties of fault rupture are now included in the modeling of earthquake sources, both physically and mathematically. Roughnesses along the fault are referred to as asperities, and places where the rupture slows or stops are said to be fault barriers. Fault rupture starts at the earthquake focus, a spot that in many cases is close to 5–15 km under the surface. The rupture propagates in one or both directions over the fault plane until stopped or slowed at a barrier. Sometimes, instead of being stopped at the barrier, the fault rupture recommences on the far side; at other times the stresses in the rocks break the barrier, and the rupture continues.

Earthquakes have different properties depending on the type of fault slip that causes them. The usual fault model has a “strike” (that is, the direction from north taken by a horizontal line in the fault plane) and a “dip” (the angle from the horizontal shown by the steepest slope in the fault). The lower wall of an inclined fault is called the footwall. Lying over the footwall is the hanging wall. When rock masses slip past each other parallel to the strike, the movement is known as strike-slip faulting. Movement parallel to the dip is called dip-slip faulting. Strike-slip faults are right lateral or left lateral, depending on whether the block on the opposite side of the fault from an observer has moved to the right or left. In dip-slip faults, if the hanging-wall block moves downward relative to the footwall block, it is called “normal” faulting; the opposite motion, with the hanging wall moving upward relative to the footwall, produces reverse or thrust faulting.

All known faults are assumed to have been the seat of one or more earthquakes in the past, though tectonic movements along faults are often slow, and most geologically ancient faults are now aseismic (that is, they no longer cause earthquakes). The actual faulting associated with an earthquake may be complex, and it is often not clear whether in a particular earthquake the total energy issues from a single fault plane.

Observed geologic faults sometimes show relative displacements on the order of hundreds of kilometres over geologic time, whereas the sudden slip offsets that produce seismic waves may range from only several centimetres to tens of metres. In the 1976 Tangshan earthquake, for example, a surface strike-slip of about one metre was observed along the causative fault east of Beijing, and in the 1999 Taiwan earthquake the Chelung-pu fault slipped up to eight metres vertically.

Volcanism

A separate type of earthquake is associated with volcanic activity and is called a volcanic earthquake. Yet it is likely that even in such cases the disturbance is the result of a sudden slip of rock masses adjacent to the volcano and the consequent release of elastic strain energy. The stored energy, however, may in part be of hydrodynamic origin due to heat provided by magma moving in reservoirs beneath the volcano or to the release of gas under pressure.

There is a clear correspondence between the geographic distribution of volcanoes and major earthquakes, particularly in the Circum-Pacific Belt and along oceanic ridges. Volcanic vents, however, are generally several hundred kilometres from the epicentres of most major shallow earthquakes, and many earthquake sources occur nowhere near active volcanoes. Even in cases where an earthquake’s focus occurs directly below structures marked by volcanic vents, there is probably no immediate causal connection between the two activities; most likely both are the result of the same tectonic processes.

Artificial induction

Earthquakes are sometimes caused by human activities, including the injection of fluids into deep wells, the detonation of large underground nuclear explosions, the excavation of mines, and the filling of large reservoirs. In the case of deep mining, the removal of rock produces changes in the strain around the tunnels. Slip on adjacent, preexisting faults or outward shattering of rock into the new cavities may occur. In fluid injection, the slip is thought to be induced by premature release of elastic strain, as in the case of tectonic earthquakes, after fault surfaces are lubricated by the liquid. Large underground nuclear explosions have been known to produce slip on already strained faults in the vicinity of the test devices.

Reservoir induction

Of the various earthquake-causing activities cited above, the filling of large reservoirs is among the most important. More than 20 significant cases have been documented in which local seismicity has increased following the impounding of water behind high dams. Often, causality cannot be substantiated, because no data exists to allow comparison of earthquake occurrence before and after the reservoir was filled. Reservoir-induction effects are most marked for reservoirs exceeding 100 metres (330 feet) in depth and 1 cubic km (0.24 cubic mile) in volume. Three sites where such connections have very probably occurred are the Hoover Dam in the United States, the Aswan High Dam in Egypt, and the Kariba Dam on the border between Zimbabwe and Zambia. The most generally accepted explanation for earthquake occurrence in such cases assumes that rocks near the reservoir are already strained from regional tectonic forces to a point where nearby faults are almost ready to slip. Water in the reservoir adds a pressure perturbation that triggers the fault rupture. The pressure effect is perhaps enhanced by the fact that the rocks along the fault have lower strength because of increased water-pore pressure. These factors notwithstanding, the filling of most large reservoirs has not produced earthquakes large enough to be a hazard.

The specific seismic source mechanisms associated with reservoir induction have been established in a few cases. For the main shock at the Koyna Dam and Reservoir in India (1967), the evidence favours strike-slip faulting motion. At both the Kremasta Dam in Greece (1965) and the Kariba Dam in Zimbabwe-Zambia (1961), the generating mechanism was dip-slip on normal faults. By contrast, thrust mechanisms have been determined for sources of earthquakes at the lake behind Nurek Dam in Tajikistan. More than 1,800 earthquakes occurred during the first nine years after water was impounded in this 317-metre-deep reservoir in 1972, a rate amounting to four times the average number of shocks in the region prior to filling.

Seismology and nuclear explosions

In 1958 representatives from several countries, including the United States and the Soviet Union, met to discuss the technical basis for a nuclear test-ban treaty. Among the matters considered was the feasibility of developing effective means with which to detect underground nuclear explosions and to distinguish them seismically from earthquakes. After that conference, much special research was directed to seismology, leading to major advances in seismic signal detection and analysis.

Recent seismological work on treaty verification has involved using high-resolution seismographs in a worldwide network, estimating the yield of explosions, studying wave attenuation in the Earth, determining wave amplitude and frequency spectra discriminants, and applying seismic arrays. The findings of such research have shown that underground nuclear explosions, compared with natural earthquakes, usually generate seismic waves through the body of the Earth that are of much larger amplitude than the surface waves. This telltale difference along with other types of seismic evidence suggest that an international monitoring network of 270 seismographic stations could detect and locate all seismic events over the globe of magnitude 4 and above (corresponding to an explosive yield of about 100 tons of TNT).

Effects of earthquakes

Earthquakes have varied effects, including changes in geologic features, damage to man-made structures, and impact on human and animal life. Most of these effects occur on solid ground, but, since most earthquake foci are actually located under the ocean bottom, severe effects are often observed along the margins of oceans.

Surface phenomena

Earthquakes often cause dramatic geomorphological changes, including ground movements—either vertical or horizontal—along geologic fault traces; rising, dropping, and tilting of the ground surface; changes in the flow of groundwater; liquefaction of sandy ground; landslides; and mudflows. The investigation of topographic changes is aided by geodetic measurements, which are made systematically in a number of countries seriously affected by earthquakes.

Earthquakes can do significant damage to buildings, bridges, pipelines, railways, embankments, and other structures. The type and extent of damage inflicted are related to the strength of the ground motions and to the behaviour of the foundation soils. In the most intensely damaged region, called the meizoseismal area, the effects of a severe earthquake are usually complicated and depend on the topography and the nature of the surface materials. They are often more severe on soft alluvium and unconsolidated sediments than on hard rock. At distances of more than 100 km (60 miles) from the source, the main damage is caused by seismic waves traveling along the surface. In mines there is frequently little damage below depths of a few hundred metres even though the ground surface immediately above is considerably affected.

Earthquakes are frequently associated with reports of distinctive sounds and lights. The sounds are generally low-pitched and have been likened to the noise of an underground train passing through a station. The occurrence of such sounds is consistent with the passage of high-frequency seismic waves through the ground. Occasionally, luminous flashes, streamers, and bright balls have been reported in the night sky during earthquakes. These lights have been attributed to electric induction in the air along the earthquake source.

Tsunamis

Following certain earthquakes, very long-wavelength water waves in oceans or seas sweep inshore. More properly called seismic sea waves or tsunamis (tsunami is a Japanese word for “harbour wave”), they are commonly referred to as tidal waves, although the attractions of the Moon and Sun play no role in their formation. They sometimes come ashore to great heights—tens of metres above mean tide level—and may be extremely destructive.

The usual immediate cause of a tsunami is sudden displacement in a seabed sufficient to cause the sudden raising or lowering of a large body of water. This deformation may be the fault source of an earthquake, or it may be a submarine landslide arising from an earthquake. Large volcanic eruptions along shorelines, such as those of Thera (c. 1580 bc) and Krakatoa (ad 1883), have also produced notable tsunamis. The most destructive tsunami ever recorded occurred on December 26, 2004, after an earthquake displaced the seabed off the coast of Sumatra, Indonesia. More than 200,000 people were killed by a series of waves that flooded coasts from Indonesia to Sri Lanka and even washed ashore on the Horn of Africa.

Following the initial disturbance to the sea surface, water waves spread in all directions. Their speed of travel in deep water is given by the formula (√gh), where h is the sea depth and g is the acceleration of gravity. This speed may be considerable—100 metres per second (225 miles per hour) when h is 1,000 metres (3,300 feet). However, the amplitude (that is, the height of disturbance) at the water surface does not exceed a few metres in deep water, and the principal wavelength may be on the order of hundreds of kilometres; correspondingly, the principal wave period—that is, the time interval between arrival of successive crests—may be on the order of tens of minutes. Because of these features, tsunami waves are not noticed by ships far out at sea.

When tsunamis approach shallow water, however, the wave amplitude increases. The waves may occasionally reach a height of 20 to 30 metres above mean sea level in U- and V-shaped harbours and inlets. They characteristically do a great deal of damage in low-lying ground around such inlets. Frequently, the wave front in the inlet is nearly vertical, as in a tidal bore, and the speed of onrush may be on the order of 10 metres per second. In some cases there are several great waves separated by intervals of several minutes or more. The first of these waves is often preceded by an extraordinary recession of water from the shore, which may commence several minutes or even half an hour beforehand.

Organizations, notably in Japan, Siberia, Alaska, and Hawaii, have been set up to provide tsunami warnings. A key development is the Seismic Sea Wave Warning System, an internationally supported system designed to reduce loss of life in the Pacific Ocean. Centred in Honolulu, it issues alerts based on reports of earthquakes from circum-Pacific seismographic stations.

Seiches

Seiches are rhythmic motions of water in nearly landlocked bays or lakes that are sometimes induced by earthquakes and tsunamis. Oscillations of this sort may last for hours or even for a day or two.

The great Lisbon earthquake of 1755 caused the waters of canals and lakes in regions as far away as Scotland and Sweden to go into observable oscillations. Seiche surges in lakes in Texas, in the southwestern United States, commenced between 30 and 40 minutes after the 1964 Alaska earthquake, produced by seismic surface waves passing through the area.

A related effect is the result of seismic waves from an earthquake passing through the seawater following their refraction through the seafloor. The speed of these waves is about 1.5 km (0.9 mile) per second, the speed of sound in water. If such waves meet a ship with sufficient intensity, they give the impression that the ship has struck a submerged object. This phenomenon is called a seaquake.

Intensity and magnitude of earthquakes

Intensity scales

The violence of seismic shaking varies considerably over a single affected area. Because the entire range of observed effects is not capable of simple quantitative definition, the strength of the shaking is commonly estimated by reference to intensity scales that describe the effects in qualitative terms. Intensity scales date from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, before seismographs capable of accurate measurement of ground motion were developed. Since that time, the divisions in these scales have been associated with measurable accelerations of the local ground shaking. Intensity depends, however, in a complicated way not only on ground accelerations but also on the periods and other features of seismic waves, the distance of the measuring point from the source, and the local geologic structure. Furthermore, earthquake intensity, or strength, is distinct from earthquake magnitude, which is a measure of the amplitude, or size, of seismic waves as specified by a seismograph reading. See below Earthquake magnitude.

A number of different intensity scales have been set up during the past century and applied to both current and ancient destructive earthquakes. For many years the most widely used was a 10-point scale devised in 1878 by Michele Stefano de Rossi and Franƈois-Alphonse Forel. The scale now generally employed in North America is the Mercalli scale, as modified by Harry O. Wood and Frank Neumann in 1931, in which intensity is considered to be more suitably graded. A 12-point abridged form of the modified Mercalli scale is provided below. Modified Mercalli intensity VIII is roughly correlated with peak accelerations of about one-quarter that of gravity (g = 9.8 metres, or 32.2 feet, per second squared) and ground velocities of 20 cm (8 inches) per second. Alternative scales have been developed in both Japan and Europe for local conditions. The European (MSK) scale of 12 grades is similar to the abridged version of the Mercalli.

Modified Mercalli scale of earthquake intensity

  1. Not felt. Marginal and long-period effects of large earthquakes.
  2. Felt by persons at rest, on upper floors, or otherwise favourably placed to sense tremors.
  3. Felt indoors. Hanging objects swing. Vibrations are similar to those caused by the passing of light trucks. Duration can be estimated.
  4. Vibrations are similar to those caused by the passing of heavy trucks (or a jolt similar to that caused by a heavy ball striking the walls). Standing automobiles rock. Windows, dishes, doors rattle. Glasses clink, crockery clashes. In the upper range of grade IV, wooden walls and frames creak.
  5. Felt outdoors; direction may be estimated. Sleepers awaken. Liquids are disturbed, some spilled. Small objects are displaced or upset. Doors swing, open, close. Pendulum clocks stop, start, change rate.
  6. Felt by all; many are frightened and run outdoors. Persons walk unsteadily. Pictures fall off walls. Furniture moves or overturns. Weak plaster and masonry cracks. Small bells ring (church, school). Trees, bushes shake.
  7. Difficult to stand. Noticed by drivers of automobiles. Hanging objects quivering. Furniture broken. Damage to weak masonry. Weak chimneys broken at roof line. Fall of plaster, loose bricks, stones, tiles, cornices. Waves on ponds; water turbid with mud. Small slides and caving along sand or gravel banks. Large bells ringing. Concrete irrigation ditches damaged.
  8. Steering of automobiles affected. Damage to masonry; partial collapse. Some damage to reinforced masonry; none to reinforced masonry designed to resist lateral forces. Fall of stucco and some masonry walls. Twisting, fall of chimneys, factory stacks, monuments, towers, elevated tanks. Frame houses moved on foundations if not bolted down; loose panel walls thrown out. Decayed pilings broken off. Branches broken from trees. Changes in flow or temperature of springs and wells. Cracks in wet ground and on steep slopes.
  9. General panic. Weak masonry destroyed; ordinary masonry heavily damaged, sometimes with complete collapse; reinforced masonry seriously damaged. Serious damage to reservoirs. Underground pipes broken. Conspicuous cracks in ground. In alluvial areas, sand and mud ejected; earthquake fountains, sand craters.
  10. Most masonry and frame structures destroyed with their foundations. Some well-built wooden structures and bridges destroyed. Serious damage to dams, dikes, embankments. Large landslides. Water thrown on banks of canals, rivers, lakes, and so on. Sand and mud shifted horizontally on beaches and flat land. Railway rails bent slightly.
  11. Rails bent greatly. Underground pipelines completely out of service.
  12. Damage nearly total. Large rock masses displaced. Lines of sight and level distorted. Objects thrown into air.

With the use of an intensity scale, it is possible to summarize such data for an earthquake by constructing isoseismal curves, which are lines that connect points of equal intensity. If there were complete symmetry about the vertical through the earthquake’s focus, isoseismals would be circles with the epicentre (the point at the surface of the Earth immediately above where the earthquake originated) as the centre. However, because of the many unsymmetrical geologic factors influencing intensity, the curves are often far from circular. The most probable position of the epicentre is often assumed to be at a point inside the area of highest intensity. In some cases, instrumental data verify this calculation, but not infrequently the true epicentre lies outside the area of greatest intensity.

Earthquake magnitude

Earthquake magnitude is a measure of the “size,” or amplitude, of the seismic waves generated by an earthquake source and recorded by seismographs. (The types and nature of these waves are described in the section Seismic waves.) Because the size of earthquakes varies enormously, it is necessary for purposes of comparison to compress the range of wave amplitudes measured on seismograms by means of a mathematical device. In 1935 the American seismologist Charles F. Richter set up a magnitude scale of earthquakes as the logarithm to base 10 of the maximum seismic wave amplitude (in thousandths of a millimetre) recorded on a standard seismograph (the Wood-Anderson torsion pendulum seismograph) at a distance of 100 km (60 miles) from the earthquake epicentre. Reduction of amplitudes observed at various distances to the amplitudes expected at the standard distance of 100 km is made on the basis of empirical tables. Richter magnitudes ML are computed on the assumption that the ratio of the maximum wave amplitudes at two given distances is the same for all earthquakes and is independent of azimuth.

Richter first applied his magnitude scale to shallow-focus earthquakes recorded within 600 km of the epicentre in the southern California region. Later, additional empirical tables were set up, whereby observations made at distant stations and on seismographs other than the standard type could be used. Empirical tables were extended to cover earthquakes of all significant focal depths and to enable independent magnitude estimates to be made from body- and surface-wave observations. A current form of the Richter scale is shown in the table.

Richter scale of earthquake magnitude
Magnitude level Category Effects Earthquakes per year
less than 1.0 to 2.9 micro generally not felt by people, though recorded on local instruments more than 100,000
3.0-3.9 minor felt by many people; no damage 12,000-100,000
4.0-4.9 light felt by all; minor breakage of objects 2,000-12,000
5.0-5.9 moderate some damage to weak structures 200-2,000
6.0-6.9 strong moderate damage in populated areas 20-200
7.0-7.9 major serious damage over large areas; loss of life 3-20
8.0 and higher great severe destruction and loss of life over large areas fewer than 3

At the present time a number of different magnitude scales are used by scientists and engineers as a measure of the relative size of an earthquake. The P-wave magnitude (Mb), for one, is defined in terms of the amplitude of the P wave recorded on a standard seismograph. Similarly, the surface-wave magnitude (Ms) is defined in terms of the logarithm of the maximum amplitude of ground motion for surface waves with a wave period of 20 seconds.

As defined, an earthquake magnitude scale has no lower or upper limit. Sensitive seismographs can record earthquakes with magnitudes of negative value and have recorded magnitudes up to about 9.0. (The 1906 San Francisco earthquake, for example, had a Richter magnitude of 8.25.)

A scientific weakness is that there is no direct mechanical basis for magnitude as defined above. Rather, it is an empirical parameter analogous to stellar magnitude assessed by astronomers. In modern practice a more soundly based mechanical measure of earthquake size is used—namely, the seismic moment (M0). Such a parameter is related to the angular leverage of the forces that produce the slip on the causative fault. It can be calculated both from recorded seismic waves and from field measurements of the size of the fault rupture. Consequently, seismic moment provides a more uniform scale of earthquake size based on classical mechanics. This measure allows a more scientific magnitude to be used called moment magnitude (Mw). It is proportional to the logarithm of the seismic moment; values do not differ greatly from Ms values for moderate earthquakes. Given the above definitions, the great Alaska earthquake of 1964, with a Richter magnitude (ML) of 8.3, also had the values Ms = 8.4, M0 = 820 × 1027 dyne centimetres, and Mw = 9.2.

Earthquake energy

Energy in an earthquake passing a particular surface site can be calculated directly from the recordings of seismic ground motion, given, for example, as ground velocity. Such recordings indicate an energy rate of 105 watts per square metre (9,300 watts per square foot) near a moderate-size earthquake source. The total power output of a rupturing fault in a shallow earthquake is on the order of 1014 watts, compared with the 105 watts generated in rocket motors.

The surface-wave magnitude Ms has also been connected with the surface energy Es of an earthquake by empirical formulas. These give Es = 6.3 × 1011 and 1.4 × 1025 ergs for earthquakes of Ms = 0 and 8.9, respectively. A unit increase in Ms corresponds to approximately a 32-fold increase in energy. Negative magnitudes Ms correspond to the smallest instrumentally recorded earthquakes, a magnitude of 1.5 to the smallest felt earthquakes, and one of 3.0 to any shock felt at a distance of up to 20 km (12 miles). Earthquakes of magnitude 5.0 cause light damage near the epicentre; those of 6.0 are destructive over a restricted area; and those of 7.5 are at the lower limit of major earthquakes.

The total annual energy released in all earthquakes is about 1025 ergs, corresponding to a rate of work between 10 million and 100 million kilowatts. This is approximately one one-thousandth the annual amount of heat escaping from the Earth’s interior. Ninety percent of the total seismic energy comes from earthquakes of magnitude 7.0 and higher—that is, those whose energy is on the order of 1023 ergs or more.

Frequency

There also are empirical relations for the frequencies of earthquakes of various magnitudes. Suppose N to be the average number of shocks per year for which the magnitude lies in a range about Ms. Thenlog10 N = a − bMs fits the data well both globally and for particular regions; for example, for shallow earthquakes worldwide, a = 6.7 and b = 0.9 when Ms > 6.0. The frequency for larger earthquakes therefore increases by a factor of about 10 when the magnitude is diminished by one unit. The increase in frequency with reduction in Ms falls short, however, of matching the decrease in the energy E. Thus, larger earthquakes are overwhelmingly responsible for most of the total seismic energy release. The number of earthquakes per year with Mb > 4.0 reaches 50,000.

Occurrence of earthquakes

Tectonic associations

Global seismicity patterns had no strong theoretical explanation until the dynamic model called plate tectonics was developed during the late 1960s. This theory holds that the Earth’s upper shell, or lithosphere, consists of nearly a dozen large, quasi-stable slabs called plates. The thickness of each of these plates is roughly 80 km (50 miles). The plates move horizontally relative to neighbouring plates at a rate of 1 to 10 cm (0.4 to 4 inches) per year over a shell of lesser strength called the asthenosphere. At the plate edges where there is contact between adjoining plates, boundary tectonic forces operate on the rocks, causing physical and chemical changes in them. New lithosphere is created at oceanic ridges by the upwelling and cooling of magma from the Earth’s mantle. The horizontally moving plates are believed to be absorbed at the ocean trenches, where a subduction process carries the lithosphere downward into the Earth’s interior. The total amount of lithospheric material destroyed at these subduction zones equals that generated at the ridges.

Seismological evidence (such as the location of major earthquake belts) is everywhere in agreement with this tectonic model. Earthquake sources are concentrated along the oceanic ridges, which correspond to divergent   plate boundaries. At the subduction zones, which are associated with convergent plate boundaries, intermediate- and deep-focus earthquakes mark the location of the upper part of a dipping lithosphere slab. The focal mechanisms indicate that the stresses are aligned with the dip of the lithosphere underneath the adjacent continent or island arc.

Some earthquakes associated with oceanic ridges are confined to strike-slip faults, called transform faults, that offset the ridge crests. The majority of the earthquakes occurring along such horizontal shear faults are characterized by slip motions. Also in agreement with the plate tectonics theory is the high seismicity encountered along the edges of plates where they slide past each other. Plate boundaries of this kind, sometimes called fracture zones, include the San Andreas Fault in California and the North Anatolian fault system in Turkey. Such plate boundaries are the site of interplate earthquakes of shallow focus.

The low seismicity within plates is consistent with the plate tectonic description. Small to large earthquakes do occur in limited regions well within the boundaries of plates; however, such intraplate seismic events can be explained by tectonic mechanisms other than plate boundary motions and their associated phenomena.

Shallow, intermediate, and deep foci

Most parts of the world experience at least occasional shallow earthquakes—those that originate within 60 km (40 miles) of the Earth’s outer surface. In fact, the great majority of earthquake foci are shallow. It should be noted, however, that the geographic distribution of smaller earthquakes is less completely determined than more severe quakes, partly because the availability of relevant data is dependent on the distribution of observatories.

Of the total energy released in earthquakes, 12 percent comes from intermediate earthquakes—that is, quakes with a focal depth ranging from about 60 to 300 km. About 3 percent of total energy comes from deeper earthquakes. The frequency of occurrence falls off rapidly with increasing focal depth in the intermediate range. Below intermediate depth the distribution is fairly uniform until the greatest focal depths, of about 700 km (430 miles), are approached.

The deeper-focus earthquakes commonly occur in patterns called Benioff zones that dip into the Earth, indicating the presence of a subducting slab. Dip angles of these slabs average about 45°, with some shallower and others nearly vertical. Benioff zones coincide with tectonically active island arcs such as Japan, Vanuatu, Tonga, and the Aleutians, and they are normally but not always associated with deep ocean trenches such as those along the South American Andes. Exceptions to this rule include Romania and the Hindu Kush mountain system. In most Benioff zones, intermediate- and deep-earthquake foci lie in a narrow layer, although recent precise hypocentral locations in Japan and elsewhere show two distinct parallel bands of foci 20 km apart.

Aftershocks, foreshocks, and swarms

Usually, a major or even moderate earthquake of shallow focus is followed by many lesser-size earthquakes close to the original source region. This is to be expected if the fault rupture producing a major earthquake does not relieve all the accumulated strain energy at once. In fact, this dislocation is liable to cause an increase in the stress and strain at a number of places in the vicinity of the focal region, bringing crustal rocks at certain points close to the stress at which fracture occurs. In some cases an earthquake may be followed by 1,000 or more aftershocks a day.

Sometimes a large earthquake is followed by a similar one along the same fault source within an hour or perhaps a day. An extreme case of this is multiple earthquakes. In most instances, however, the first principal earthquake of a series is much more severe than the aftershocks. In general, the number of aftershocks per day decreases with time. The aftershock frequency is roughly inversely proportional to the time since the occurrence of the largest earthquake of the series.

Most major earthquakes occur without detectable warning, but some principal earthquakes are preceded by foreshocks. In another common pattern, large numbers of small earthquakes may occur in a region for months without a major earthquake. In the Matsushiro region of Japan, for instance, there occurred between August 1965 and August 1967 a series of hundreds of thousands of earthquakes, some sufficiently strong (up to Richter magnitude 5) to cause property damage but no casualties. The maximum frequency was 6,780 small earthquakes on April 17, 1966. Such series of earthquakes are called earthquake swarms. Earthquakes associated with volcanic activity often occur in swarms, though swarms also have been observed in many nonvolcanic regions.

The study of earthquakes

Seismic waves

Principal types of seismic waves

Seismic waves generated by an earthquake source are commonly classified into three main types. The first two, the P (or primary) and S (or secondary) waves, propagate within the body of the Earth, while the third, consisting of Love and Rayleigh waves, propagates along its surface. (See figure.) The existence of these types of seismic waves was mathematically predicted during the 19th century, and modern comparisons show that there is a close correspondence between such theoretical calculations and actual measurements of the seismic waves.

The P seismic waves travel as elastic motions at the highest speeds. They are longitudinal waves that can be transmitted by both solid and liquid materials in the Earth’s interior. With P waves, the particles of the medium vibrate in a manner similar to sound waves—the transmitting media is alternately compressed and expanded. The slower type of body wave, the S wave, travels only through solid material. With S waves, the particle motion is transverse to the direction of travel and involves a shearing of the transmitting rock.

Because of their greater speed, P waves are the first to reach any point on the Earth’s surface. The first P-wave onset starts from the spot where an earthquake originates. This point, usually at some depth within the Earth, is called the focus, or hypocentre. The point at the surface immediately above the focus is known as the epicentre.

Love and Rayleigh waves are guided by the free surface of the Earth. They follow along after the P and S waves have passed through the body of the planet. Both Love and Rayleigh waves involve horizontal particle motion, but only the latter type has vertical ground displacements. As Love and Rayleigh waves travel, they disperse into long wave trains, and, at substantial distances from the source in alluvial basins, they cause much of the shaking felt during earthquakes.

Properties of seismic waves

At all distances from the focus, mechanical properties of the rocks, such as incompressibility, rigidity, and density, play a role in the speed with which the waves travel and the shape and duration of the wave trains. The layering of the rocks and the physical properties of surface soil also affect wave characteristics. In most cases, elastic behaviour occurs in earthquakes, but strong shaking of surface soils from the incident seismic waves sometimes results in nonelastic behaviour, including slumping (that is, the downward and outward movement of unconsolidated material) and the liquefaction of sandy soil.

When a seismic wave encounters a boundary that separates rocks of different elastic properties, it undergoes reflection and refraction. There is a special complication because conversion between the wave types usually also occurs at such a boundary: an incident P or S wave can yield reflected P and S waves and refracted P and S waves. Boundaries between structural layers also give rise to diffracted and scattered waves. These additional waves are in part responsible for the complications observed in ground motion during earthquakes. Modern research is concerned with computing synthetic records of ground motion that are realistic in comparison with observed ground shaking, using the theory of waves in complex structures.

The frequency range of seismic waves is large, from as high as the audible range (greater than 20 hertz) to as low as the frequencies of the free oscillations of the whole Earth, with the gravest period being 54 minutes (see below Long-period oscillations of the globe). Attenuation of the waves in rock imposes high-frequency limits, and in small to moderate earthquakes the dominant frequencies extend in surface waves from about 1 to 0.1 hertz.

The amplitude range of seismic waves is also great in most earthquakes. Displacement of the ground ranges from 10−10 to 10−1 metre (4−12 to 4 inches). In the greatest earthquakes the ground amplitude of the predominant P waves may be several centimetres at periods of two to five seconds. Very close to the seismic sources of great earthquakes, investigators have measured large wave amplitudes with accelerations of the ground exceeding that of gravity (9.8 metres, or 32.2 feet, per second squared) at high frequencies and ground displacements of 1 metre at low frequencies.

Measurement of seismic waves

Seismographs and accelerometers

Seismographs are used to measure ground motion in both earthquakes and microseisms (small oscillations described below). Most of these instruments are of the pendulum type. Early mechanical seismographs had a pendulum of large mass (up to several tons) and produced seismograms by scratching a line on smoked paper on a rotating drum. In later instruments, seismograms were recorded by means of a ray of light from the mirror of a galvanometer through which passed an electric current generated by electromagnetic induction when the pendulum of the seismograph moved. Technological developments in electronics have given rise to higher-precision pendulum seismometers and sensors of ground motion. In these instruments the electric voltages produced by motions of the pendulum or the equivalent are passed through electronic circuitry to amplify and digitize the ground motion for more exact readings.

Generally speaking, seismographs are divided into three types: short-period, long- (or intermediate-) period, and ultralong-period, or broadband, instruments. Short-period instruments are used to record P and S body waves with high magnification of the ground motion. For this purpose, the seismograph response is shaped to peak at a period of about one second or less. The intermediate-period instruments of the type used by the World-Wide Standardized Seismographic Network (described in the section Earthquake observatories) had a response maximum at about 20 seconds. Recently, in order to provide as much flexibility as possible for research work, the trend has been toward the operation of very broadband seismographs with digital representation of the signals. This is usually accomplished with very long-period pendulums and electronic amplifiers that pass signals in the band between 0.005 and 50 hertz.

When seismic waves close to their source are to be recorded, special design criteria are needed. Instrument sensitivity must ensure that the largest ground movements can be recorded without exceeding the upper scale limit of the device. For most seismological and engineering purposes the wave frequencies that must be recorded are higher than 1 hertz, and so the pendulum or its equivalent can be small. For this reason accelerometers that measure the rate at which the ground velocity is changing have an advantage for strong-motion recording. Integration is then performed to estimate ground velocity and displacement. The ground accelerations to be registered range up to two times that of gravity. Recording such accelerations can be accomplished mechanically with short torsion suspensions or force-balance mass-spring systems.

Because many strong-motion instruments need to be placed at unattended sites in ordinary buildings for periods of months or years before a strong earthquake occurs, they usually record only when a trigger mechanism is actuated with the onset of ground motion. Solid-state memories are now used, particularly with digital recording instruments, making it possible to preserve the first few seconds before the trigger starts the permanent recording and to store digitized signals on magnetic cassette tape or on a memory chip. In past design absolute timing was not provided on strong-motion records but only accurate relative time marks; the present trend, however, is to provide Universal Time (the local mean time of the prime meridian) by means of special radio receivers, small crystal clocks, or GPS (global positioning system) receivers from satellite clocks.

The prediction of strong ground motion and response of engineered structures in earthquakes depends critically on measurements of the spatial variability of earthquake intensities near the seismic wave source. In an effort to secure such measurements, special arrays of strong-motion seismographs have been installed in areas of high seismicity around the world. Large-aperture seismic arrays (linear dimensions on the order of 1 to 10 km, or 0.6 to 6 miles) of strong-motion accelerometers can now be used to improve estimations of speed, direction of propagation, and types of seismic wave components. Particularly important for full understanding of seismic wave patterns at the ground surface is measurement of the variation of wave motion with depth. To aid in this effort, special digitally recording seismometers have been installed in deep boreholes.

Ocean-bottom measurements

Because 70 percent of the Earth’s surface is covered by water, there is a need for ocean-bottom seismometers to augment the global land-based system of recording stations. Field tests have established the feasibility of extensive long-term recording by instruments on the seafloor. Japan already has a semipermanent seismograph system of this type that was placed on the seafloor off the Pacific coast of central Honshu in 1978 by means of a cable.

Because of the mechanical difficulties of maintaining permanent ocean-bottom instrumentation, different systems have been considered. They all involve placement of instruments on the bottom of the ocean, though they employ various mechanisms for data transmission. Signals may be transmitted to the ocean surface for retransmission by auxiliary apparatus or transmitted via cable to a shore-based station. Another system is designed to release its recording device automatically, allowing it to float to the surface for later recovery.

The use of ocean-bottom seismographs should yield much-improved global coverage of seismic waves and provide new information on the seismicity of oceanic regions. Ocean-bottom seismographs will enable investigators to determine the details of the crustal structure of the seafloor and, because of the relative thinness of the oceanic crust, should make it possible to collect clear seismic information about the upper mantle. Such systems are also expected to provide new data on plate boundaries, on the origin and propagation of microseisms, and on the nature of ocean-continent margins.

Measuring microseisms

Small ground motions known as microseisms are commonly recorded by seismographs. These weak wave motions are not generated by earthquakes, and they complicate accurate recording of the latter. However, they are of scientific interest because their form is related to the Earth’s surface structure.

Some microseisms have local causes—for example, those due to traffic or machinery or due to local wind effects, storms, and the action of rough surf against an extended steep coast. Another class of microseisms exhibits features that are very similar on records traced at earthquake observatories that are widely separated, including approximately simultaneous occurrence of maximum amplitudes and similar wave frequencies. These microseisms may persist for many hours and have more or less regular periods of about five to eight seconds. The largest amplitudes of such microseisms are on the order of 10−3 cm (0.0004 inch) and occur in coastal regions. The amplitudes also depend to some extent on local geologic structure. Some microseisms are produced when large standing water waves are formed far out at sea. The period of this type of microseism is half that of the standing wave.

Observation of earthquakes

Earthquake observatories

Worldwide during the late 1950s, there were only about 700 seismographic stations, which were equipped with seismographs of various types and frequency responses. Few instruments were calibrated; actual ground motions could not be measured, and timing errors of several seconds were common. The World-Wide Standardized Seismographic Network (WWSSN), the first modern worldwide standardized system, was established to help remedy this situation. Each station of the WWSSN had six seismographs—three short-period and three long-period seismographs. Timing and accuracy were maintained by crystal clocks, and a calibration pulse was placed daily on each record. By 1967 the WWSSN consisted of about 120 stations distributed over 60 countries. The resulting data provided the basis for significant advances in research on earthquake mechanisms, global tectonics, and the structure of the Earth’s interior.

By the 1980s a further upgrading of permanent seismographic stations began with the installation of digital equipment by a number of organizations. Among the global networks of digital seismographic stations now in operation are the Seismic Research Observatories in boreholes 100 metres (330 feet) deep and modified high-gain, long-period surface observatories. The Global Digital Seismographic Network in particular has remarkable capability, recording all motions from Earth tides to microscopic ground motions at the level of local ground noise. At present there are about 128 sites. With this system the long-term seismological goal will have been accomplished to equip global observatories with seismographs that can record every small earthquake anywhere over a broad band of frequencies.

Locating earthquake epicentres

Many observatories make provisional estimates of the epicentres of important earthquakes. These estimates provide preliminary information locally about particular earthquakes and serve as first approximations for the calculations subsequently made by large coordinating centres.

If an earthquake’s epicentre is less than 105° away from an observatory, the epicentre’s position can often be estimated from the readings of three seismograms recording perpendicular components of the ground motion. For a shallow earthquake the epicentral distance is indicated by the interval between the arrival times of P and S waves; the azimuth and angle of wave emergence at the surface are indicated by a comparison of the sizes and directions of the first movements shown in the seismograms and by the relative sizes of later waves, particularly surface waves. It should be noted, however, that in certain regions the first wave movement at a station arrives from a direction differing from the azimuth toward the epicentre. This anomaly is usually explained by strong variations in geologic structures.

When data from more than one observatory are available, an earthquake’s epicentre may be estimated from the times of travel of the P and S waves from source to recorder. In many seismically active regions, networks of seismographs with telemetry transmission and centralized timing and recording are common. Whether analog or digital recording is used, such integrated systems greatly simplify observatory work: multichannel signal displays make identification and timing of phase onsets easier and more reliable. Moreover, online microprocessors can be programmed to pick automatically, with some degree of confidence, the onset of a significant common phase, such as P, by correlation of waveforms from parallel network channels. With the aid of specially designed computer programs, seismologists can then locate distant earthquakes to within about 10 km (6 miles) and the epicentre of a local earthquake to within a few kilometres.

Catalogs of earthquakes felt by humans and of earthquake observations have appeared intermittently for many centuries. The earliest known list of instrumentally recorded earthquakes with computed times of origin and epicentres is for the period 1899–1903. In subsequent years, cataloging of earthquakes has become more uniform and complete. Especially valuable is the service provided by the International Seismological Centre (ISC) at Newbury, Eng. Each month it receives more than 1,000,000 readings from more than 2,000 stations worldwide and preliminary estimates of the locations of approximately 1,600 earthquakes from national and regional agencies and observatories. The ISC publishes a monthly bulletin—with about a two-year delay—that provides all available information on each of more than 5,000 earthquakes.

Various national and regional centres control networks of stations and act as intermediaries between individual stations and the international organizations. Examples of long-standing national centres include the Japan Meteorological Agency and United States National Earthquake Information Center in Colorado (a subdivision of the United States Geological Survey). These centres normally make estimates of the magnitudes, epicentres, origin times, and focal depths of local earthquakes. On the Internet, data on global seismicity is continually accessible through the Web site of the Incorporated Research Institutions for Seismology (IRIS).

An important research technique is to infer the character of faulting in an earthquake from the recorded seismograms. For example, observed distributions of the directions of the first onsets in waves arriving at the Earth’s surface have been effectively used. Onsets are called “compressional” or “dilatational” according to whether the direction is away from or toward the focus, respectively. A polarity pattern becomes recognizable when the directions of the P-wave onsets are plotted on a map—there are broad areas in which the first onsets are predominantly compressions, separated from predominantly dilatational areas by nodal curves near which the P-wave amplitudes are abnormally small.

In 1926 the American geophysicist Perry E. Byerly used patterns of P onsets over the entire globe to infer the orientation of the fault plane in a large earthquake. The polarity method yields two P-nodal curves at the Earth’s surface; one curve is in the plane containing the assumed fault, and the other is in the plane (called the auxiliary plane) that passes through the focus and is perpendicular to the forces of the plane. The recent availability of worldwide broad-based digital recording has enabled computer programs to be written that estimate the fault mechanism and seismic moment from the complete pattern of seismic wave arrivals. Given a well-determined pattern at a number of earthquake observatories, it is possible to locate two planes, one of which is the plane containing the fault.

Earthquake prediction

Observation and interpretation of precursory phenomena

The search for periodic cycles in earthquake occurrence is an old one. Generally, periodicities in time and space for major earthquakes have not been widely detected or accepted. One problem is that long-term earthquake catalogs are not homogeneous in their selection and reporting. The most extensive catalog of this kind comes from China and begins about 700 bc. The catalog contains some information on about 1,000 destructive earthquakes. The sizes of these earthquakes have been assessed from the reports of damage, intensity, and shaking.

Another approach to the statistical occurrence of earthquakes involves the postulation of trigger forces that initiate the rupture. Such forces have been attributed to severe weather conditions, volcanic activity, and tidal forces, for example. Usually correlations are made between the physical phenomena assumed to provide the trigger and the repetition of earthquakes. Inquiry must always be made to discover whether a causative link is actually present, but in no cases to the present has a trigger mechanism, at least for moderate to large earthquakes, been unequivocally found that satisfies the various necessary criteria.

Statistical methods also have been tried with populations of regional earthquakes. It has been suggested, but never established generally, that the slope b of the regression line between the logarithm of the number of earthquakes and the magnitude for a region may change characteristically with time. Specifically, the claim is that the b value for the population of foreshocks of a major earthquake may be significantly smaller than the mean b value for the region averaged over a long interval of time.

The elastic rebound theory of earthquake sources allows rough prediction of the occurrence of large shallow earthquakes. Harry F. Reid gave, for example, a crude forecast of the next great earthquake near San Francisco. (The theory also predicted, of course, that the place would be along the San Andreas or an associated fault.) The geodetic data indicated that during an interval of 50 years relative displacements of 3.2 metres (10.5 feet) had occurred at distant points across the fault. The maximum elastic-rebound offset along the fault in the 1906 earthquake was 6.5 metres. Therefore, (6.5 ÷ 3.2) × 50, or about 100, years would again elapse before sufficient strain accumulated for the occurrence of an earthquake comparable to that of 1906. The premises are that the regional strain will grow uniformly and that various constraints have not been altered by the great 1906 rupture itself (such as by the onset of slow fault slip). Such strain rates are now being more adequately measured along a number of active faults such as the San Andreas, using networks of GPS sensors.

For many years prediction research has been influenced by the basic argument that strain accumulates in the rock masses in the vicinity of a fault and results in crustal deformation. Deformations have been measured in the horizontal direction along active faults (by trilateration and triangulation) and in the vertical direction by precise leveling and tiltmeters. Some investigators believe that changes in groundwater level occur prior to earthquakes; variations of this sort have been reported mainly from China. Because water levels in wells respond to a complex array of factors such as rainfall, such factors will have to be removed if changes in water level are to be studied in relation to earthquakes.

The theory of dilatancy (that is, an increase in volume) of rock prior to rupture once occupied a central position in discussions of premonitory phenomena of earthquakes, but it now receives less support. It is based on the observation that many solids exhibit dilatancy during deformation. For earthquake prediction the significance of dilatancy, if real, is in its effects on various measurable quantities of the Earth’s crust, such as seismic velocities, electric resistivity, and ground and water levels.

The best-studied consequence is the effect on seismic velocities. The influence of internal cracks and pores on the elastic properties of rocks can be clearly demonstrated in laboratory measurements of those properties as a function of hydrostatic pressure. In the case of saturated rocks, experiments predict—for shallow earthquakes—that dilatancy occurs as a portion of the crust is stressed to failure, causing a decrease in the velocities of seismic waves. Recovery of velocity is brought about by subsequent rise of the pore pressure of water, which also has the effect of weakening the rock and enhancing fault slip.

Strain buildup in the focal region may have measurable effects on other observable properties, including electrical conductivity and gas concentration. Because the electrical conductivity of rocks depends largely on interconnected water channels within the rocks, resistivity may increase before the cracks become saturated. As pore fluid is expelled from the closing cracks, the local water table would rise and concentrations of gases such as radioactive radon would increase. No unequivocal confirming measurements have yet been published.

Geologic methods of extending the seismicity record back from the present also are being explored. Field studies indicate that the sequence of surface ruptures along major active faults associated with large earthquakes can sometimes be constructed. An example is the series of large earthquakes in Turkey in the 20th century, which were caused mainly by successive westward ruptures of the North Anatolian Fault. Liquefaction effects preserved in beds of sand and peat have provided evidence—when radiometric dating methods are used—for large paleoearthquakes extending back for more than 1,000 years in many seismically active zones, including the Pacific Northwest coast of the United States.

Less well-grounded precursory phenomena, particularly earthquake lights and animal behaviour, sometimes draw more public attention than the precursors discussed above. Many reports of unusual lights in the sky and abnormal animal behaviour preceding earthquakes are known to seismologists, mostly in anecdotal form. Both these phenomena are usually explained in terms of a release of gases prior to earthquakes and electric and acoustic stimuli of various types. At present there is no definitive experimental evidence to support claims that animals sometimes sense the coming of an earthquake.

Methods of reducing earthquake hazards

Considerable work has been done in seismology to explain the characteristics of the recorded ground motions in earthquakes. Such knowledge is needed to predict ground motions in future earthquakes so that earthquake-resistant structures can be designed. Although earthquakes cause death and destruction through such secondary effects as landslides, tsunamis, fires, and fault rupture, the greatest losses—both of lives and of property—result from the collapse of man-made structures during the violent shaking of the ground. Accordingly, the most effective way to mitigate the damage of earthquakes from an engineering standpoint is to design and construct structures capable of withstanding strong ground motions.

Interpreting recorded ground motions

Most elastic waves recorded close to an extended fault source are complicated and difficult to interpret uniquely. Understanding such near-source motion can be viewed as a three-part problem. The first part stems from the generation of elastic waves by the slipping fault as the moving rupture sweeps out an area of slip along the fault plane within a given time. The pattern of waves produced is dependent on several parameters, such as fault dimension and rupture velocity. Elastic waves of various types radiate from the vicinity of the moving rupture in all directions. The geometry and frictional properties of the fault critically affect the pattern of radiation from it.

The second part of the problem concerns the passage of the waves through the intervening rocks to the site and the effect of geologic conditions. The third part involves the conditions at the recording site itself, such as topography and highly attenuating soils. All these questions must be considered when estimating likely earthquake effects at a site of any proposed structure.

Experience has shown that the ground strong-motion recordings have a variable pattern in detail but predictable regular shapes in general (except in the case of strong multiple earthquakes). In a strong horizontal shaking of the ground near the fault source, there is an initial segment of motion made up mainly of P waves, which frequently manifest themselves strongly in the vertical motion. This is followed by the onset of S waves, often associated with a longer-period pulse of ground velocity and displacement related to the near-site fault slip or fling. This pulse is often enhanced in the direction of the fault rupture and normal to it. After the S onset there is shaking that consists of a mixture of S and P waves, but the S motions become dominant as the duration increases. Later, in the horizontal component, surface waves dominate, mixed with some S body waves. Depending on the distance of the site from the fault and the structure of the intervening rocks and soils, surface waves are spread out into long trains.

Constructing seismic hazard maps

In many regions, seismic expectancy maps or hazard maps are now available for planning purposes. The anticipated intensity of ground shaking is represented by a number called the peak acceleration or the peak velocity.

To avoid weaknesses found in earlier earthquake hazard maps, the following general principles are usually adopted today:

  1. The map should take into account not only the size but also the frequency of earthquakes.
  2. The broad regionalization pattern should use historical seismicity as a database, including the following factors: major tectonic trends, acceleration attenuation curves, and intensity reports.
  3. Regionalization should be defined by means of contour lines with design parameters referred to ordered numbers on neighbouring contour lines (this procedure minimizes sensitivity concerning the exact location of boundary lines between separate zones).
  4. The map should be simple and not attempt to microzone the region.
  5. The mapped contoured surface should not contain discontinuities, so that the level of hazard progresses gradually and in order across any profile drawn on the map.

Developing resistant structures

Developing engineered structural designs that are able to resist the forces generated by seismic waves can be achieved either by following building codes based on hazard maps or by appropriate methods of analysis. Many countries reserve theoretical structural analyses for the larger, more costly, or critical buildings to be constructed in the most seismically active regions, while simply requiring that ordinary structures conform to local building codes. Economic realities usually determine the goal, not of preventing all damage in all earthquakes but of minimizing damage in moderate, more common earthquakes and ensuring no major collapse at the strongest intensities. An essential part of what goes into engineering decisions on design and into the development and revision of earthquake-resistant design codes is therefore seismological, involving measurement of strong seismic waves, field studies of intensity and damage, and the probability of earthquake occurrence.

Earthquake risk can also be reduced by rapid post-earthquake response. Strong-motion accelerographs have been connected in some urban areas, such as Los Angeles, Tokyo, and Mexico City, to interactive computers. The recorded waves are correlated with seismic intensity scales and rapidly displayed graphically on regional maps via the World Wide Web.

Exploration of the Earth’s interior with seismic waves

Seismological tomography

Seismological data on the Earth’s deep structure come from several sources. These include P and S waves in earthquakes and nuclear explosions, the dispersion of surface waves from distant earthquakes, and vibrations of the whole Earth from large earthquakes.

One of the major aims of seismology is to infer the minimum set of properties of the Earth’s interior that will explain recorded seismic wave trains in detail. Notwithstanding the tremendous progress made in the exploration of the Earth’s deep structure during the first half of the 20th century, realization of this goal was severely limited until the 1960s because of the laborious effort required to evaluate theoretical models and to process the large amounts of earthquake data recorded. The application of high-speed computers with their enormous storage and rapid retrieval capabilities opened the way for major advances in both theoretical work and data handling.

Since the mid-1970s, researchers have studied realistic models of the Earth’s structure that include continental and oceanic boundaries, mountains, and river valleys rather than simple structures such as those involving variation only with depth. In addition, various technical developments have benefited observational seismology. For example, the implications of seismic exploratory techniques developed by the petroleum industry (such as seismic reflection) have been recognized and the procedures adopted. Equally significant has been the application of three-dimensional imaging methods to the exploration of the Earth’s deep structure. This has been made possible by the development of very fast microprocessors and computers with peripheral display equipment.

The major method for determining the structure of the Earth’s deep interior is the detailed analysis of seismograms of seismic waves. (Such earthquake readings also provide estimates of wave velocities, density, and elastic and inelastic parameters in the Earth.) The primary procedure is to measure the travel times of various wave types, such as P and S, from their source to the recording seismograph. First, however, identification of each wave type with its ray path through the Earth must be made.

An especially important class of rays is associated with a discontinuity surface separating the central core of the Earth from the mantle at a depth of about 2,900 km (1,800 miles) below the outer surface. The symbol c is used to indicate an upward reflection at this discontinuity. Thus, if a P wave travels down from a focus to the discontinuity surface in question, the upward reflection into an S wave is recorded at an observing station as the ray PcS and similarly with PcP, ScS, and ScP. The symbol K is used to denote the part (of P type) of the path of a wave that passes through the liquid central core. Thus, the ray SKS corresponds to a wave that starts as an S wave, is refracted into the central core as a P wave, and is refracted back into the mantle, wherein it finally emerges as an S wave. Such rays as SKKS correspond to waves that have suffered an internal reflection at the boundary of the central core.

The discovery of the existence of an inner core in 1936 by the Danish seismologist Inge Lehmann made it necessary to introduce additional basic symbols. For paths of waves inside the central core, the symbols i and I are used analogously to c and K for the whole Earth; therefore, i indicates reflection upward at the boundary between the outer and inner portions of the central core, and I corresponds to the part (of P type) of the path of a wave that lies inside the inner portion. Thus, for instance, discrimination needs to be made between the rays PKP, PKiKP, and PKIKP. The first of these corresponds to a wave that has entered the outer part of the central core but has not reached the inner core, the second to one that has been reflected upward at the inner core boundary, and the third to one that has penetrated into the inner portion.

By combining the symbols p, s, P, S, c, K, i, and I in various ways, notation is developed for all the main rays associated with body earthquake waves. The symbol J has been introduced to correspond to S waves in the inner core, should evidence ever be found for such waves.

Finally, the use of times of travel along rays to infer hidden structure is analogous to the use of X-rays in medical tomography. The method involves reconstructing an image of internal anomalies from measurements made at the outer surface. Nowadays, hundreds of thousands of travel times of P and S waves are available in earthquake catalogs for the tomographic imaging of the Earth’s interior and the mapping of internal structure.

Structure of the Earth’s interior

Studies with earthquake recordings have given a picture inside the Earth of a solid but layered and flow-patterned mantle about 2,900 km (1,800 miles) thick, which in places lies within 10 km (6 miles) of the surface under the oceans.

The thin surface rock layer surrounding the mantle is the crust, whose lower boundary is called the Mohorovičić discontinuity. In normal continental regions the crust is about 30 to 40 km thick; there is usually a superficial low-velocity sedimentary layer underlain by a zone in which seismic velocity increases with depth. Beneath this zone there is a layer in which P-wave velocities in some places fall from 6 to 5.6 km per second. The middle part of the crust is characterized by a heterogeneous zone with P velocities of nearly 6 to 6.3 km per second. The lowest layer of the crust (about 10 km thick) has significantly higher P velocities, ranging up to nearly 7 km per second.

In the deep ocean there is a sedimentary layer that is about 1 km thick. Underneath is the lower layer of the oceanic crust, which is about 4 km thick. This layer is inferred to consist of basalt that formed where extrusions of basaltic magma at oceanic ridges have been added to the upper part of lithospheric plates as they spread away from the ridge crests. This crustal layer cools as it moves away from the ridge crest, and its seismic velocities increase correspondingly.

Below the mantle lies a shell that is 2,255 km thick, which seismic waves show to have the properties of a liquid. At the very centre of the planet is a separate solid core with a radius of 1,216 km. Recent work with observed seismic waves has revealed three-dimensional structural details inside the Earth, especially in the crust and lithosphere, under the subduction zones, at the base of the mantle, and in the inner core. These regional variations are important in explaining the dynamic history of the planet.

Long-period oscillations of the globe

Sometimes earthquakes are large enough to cause the whole Earth to ring like a bell. The deepest tone of vibration of the planet is one with a period (the length of time between the arrival of successive crests in a wave train) of 54 minutes. Knowledge of these vibrations has come from a remarkable extension in the range of periods of ground movements that can be recorded by modern digital long-period seismographs that span the entire allowable spectrum of earthquake wave periods: from ordinary P waves with periods of tenths of seconds to vibrations with periods on the order of 12 and 24 hours such as those that occur in Earth tidal movements.

The measurements of vibrations of the whole Earth provide important information on the properties of the interior of the planet. It should be emphasized that these free vibrations are set up by the energy release of the earthquake source but continue for many hours and sometimes even days. For an elastic sphere such as the Earth, two types of vibrations are known to be possible. In one type, called S modes, or spheroidal vibrations, the motions of the elements of the sphere have components along the radius as well as along the tangent. In the second type, which are designated as T modes, or torsional vibrations, there is shear but no radial displacements. The nomenclature is nSl and nTl, where the letters n and l are related to the surfaces in the vibration at which there is zero motion.

Several hundred types of S and T vibrations have been identified and the associated periods measured. The amplitudes of the ground motion in the vibrations have been determined for particular earthquakes, and, more important, the attenuation of each component vibration has been measured. The dimensionless measure of this decay constant is called the quality factor Q. The greater the value of Q, the less the wave or vibration damping. Typically, for oS10 and oT10, the Q values are about 250.

The rate of decay of the vibrations of the whole Earth with the passage of time, where they appear superimposed for 20 hours of the 12-hour tidal deformations of the Earth. At the bottom of the figure these vibrations have been split up into a series of peaks, each with a definite frequency, similar to that of the spectrum of light. Such a spectrum indicates the relative amplitude of each harmonic present in the free oscillations. If the physical properties of the Earth’s interior were known, all these individual peaks could be calculated directly. Instead, the internal structure must be estimated from the observed peaks.

Recent research has shown that observations of long-period oscillations of the Earth discriminate fairly finely between different Earth models. In applying the observations to improve the resolution and precision of such representations of the planet’s internal structure, a considerable number of Earth models are set up, and all the periods of their free oscillations are computed and checked against the observations. Models can then be successively eliminated until only a small range remains. In practice, the work starts with existing models; efforts are made to amend them by sequential steps until full compatibility with the observations is achieved, within the uncertainties of the observations. Even so, the resulting computed Earth structure is not a unique solution to the problem.

Extraterrestrial seismic phenomena

Space vehicles have carried equipment to the surface of the Moon and Mars with which to record seismic waves, and seismologists on Earth have received telemetered signals from seismic events in both cases.

By 1969, seismographs had been placed at six sites on the Moon during the U.S. Apollo missions. Recording of seismic data ceased in September 1977. The instruments detected between 600 and 3,000 moonquakes during each year of their operation, though most of these seismic events were very small. The ground noise on the lunar surface is low compared with that of the Earth, so that the seismographs could be operated at very high magnifications. Because there was more than one station on the Moon, it was possible to use the arrival times of P and S waves at the lunar stations from the moonquakes to determine foci in the same way as is done on the Earth.

Moonquakes are of three types. First, there are the events caused by the impact of lunar modules, booster rockets, and meteorites. The lunar seismograph stations were able to detect meteorites hitting the Moon’s surface more than 1,000 km (600 miles) away. The two other types of moonquakes had natural sources in the Moon’s interior: they presumably resulted from rock fracturing, as on Earth. The most common type of natural moonquake had deep foci, at depths of 600 to 1,000 km; the less common variety had shallow focal depths.

Seismological research on Mars has been less successful. Only one of the seismometers carried to the Martian surface by the U.S. Viking landers during the mid-1970s remained operational, and only one potential marsquake was detected in 546 Martian days.

Courtesy: Britannica Encyclopedia

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Unique Identification Authority of India – UIDAI (Aadhaar)

Monday, May 10th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

According to news sources April, 2010, the government’s unique identity project aiming to give a 16-digit number to all citizens of the country renamed ‘AADHAAR’ and its new logo was unveiled. The UID Authority of India will issue the first identity numbers linked to a person’s demographic and biometric information between August and February 2010, and issue about 600 million such IDs over the next five years to help in citizen verification in a timely and inexpensive manner. This is a big advantage to the government and companies. The first set of identity numbers as per the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) will be issued in February 2011.

Benefits:

It would give thousands of Indians the ability to open bank accounts, buy cell phones, and access welfare services easily, while saving companies and government agencies the expensive and time-consuming process of verifying and establishing identities. The Unique Identification Number project of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) ‘AADHAAR’ (foundation) is part of the efforts to reach out to the common man. The chairman for this venture is Nandan Niketan who expressed that he wanted to name this project so that it could effectively communicate its transformational potential and promise to Indian citizens. AADHAR had a national appeal and is easy recognisable and remembered throughout the nation. It’s logo is designed with a sun that has a finger-print in the centre. The logo, selected after a nationwide competition, was unveiled by Dhaneshwar Ram, a resident of Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh, who was invited by the UIDAI to speak on the hardships faced by the common man in getting an identity at present. The creator of this logo was Atul Sudhakar Rao Pande  a designer from Mumbai who was paid a sum of one lakh rupees after his design was selected over 2000 entries.According to journalists he said that he deigned it so even rural people would be able to recognize the sun and the fingerprint.

The project was aimed at the under privileged and the poor who are left out of the government’s social schemes because they lack proof of identity.

UIDAI Director General R S Sharma said the first 16 digit number would be rolled out by February next  year 2011.The authority was established by an act of Parliament last year in 2009. The proposed law will give authority to the UID to collect identity information, such as name, gender, date of birth, parents’ name, address and finger prints, from people voluntarily seeking a unique identity number. Previous governments have also considered creating unique ID numbers.  The Congress government, which has always been leaning left, with its focus on inclusive growth, has shown innovation by setting up the UIDAI office and allocating $444 million to the UID project.

Challenges of the project:

According to news sources, India gets ready to launch the largest biometric database in the world with the idea of providing most of its 1.2 billion citizens a Unique Identification (UID). The biggest challenge that is faced is smudged fingerprints. The project, which had attracted mobile services firms and technology giants including Tata Consultancy Services, Google, and Microsoft, is expected to address and reduction of waste in India’s multi-billion dollar welfare schemes that include pensions.

According to Samiran Chakraborty  research head at Standard Chartered “Aadhar,” is estimated to cost some $2.2-$4.4 billion to implement, but will bring in an equal amount in savings annually from the elimination of duplicate and false identities. He expects the program might have a significantly positive impact on the fiscal and general growth of India.

An estimated 75 million people are homeless and millions others traversing the country as migrant workers with little or no documentation, ensures that the UIDAI has its work cut out.

UIDAI is working with Census 2011 survey, as well as local government bodies and NGOs to reach millions, including an estimated 410 million people living on less than $1.25 a day, an impediment to India’s otherwise staggering growth story. Nandan Nilakeni observed that while it boils down to a lack of proper identity the exclusion can be detrimental.

The average Indian citizen typically has multiple identity cards, including a voter ID, a tax ID, a ration card, passport, driving license and others.Because there is no central database, it has created phantoms on voter lists and welfare schemes. Adding to the complication is the issue of fake ID’s and the fact that the poor have no IDs at all.

Nilekani, Infosys software firm’s former chief was selected by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to spearhead UIDAI after he wrote volubly on the need for a unique ID in his book, ‘Imagining India’, published in 2008.

Nilakeni said that acknowledging the existence of every single citizen automatically compels the state to improve the quality of services, and immediately gives the citizen a fairer, more equitable access to services. He further stated that this recognition can create a better awareness of rights and duties.

Beyond developing the ID cards, the challenge is to  make  the back-end infrastructure secure and scalable, ensuring privacy and integrating agents who issue the numbers, said Nilekani.Among the biggest challenges is securing clean fingerprints as part of the biometric identification that will also include an image of the face and of the two irises, in rural India. Sreeni Tripuraneni who is chief executive of  4G Identity Solutions which are conducting  pilot studies in Andhra Pradesh has said that frequent power failures are another hurdle to the smooth functioning of this venture. Dust is a reason for smudged fingerprints.Generators is required for power.

Operators have also been trained to deal with laborers with deeply calloused hands, for example, or women wearing burqas, according to Tripuraneni, who calls the UID the mother of all databases.

The Aadhaar, earlier known as Unique Identification Number, will be issued after collecting imprints of all ten fingers, iris and face.

This collaboration might pave the way for the delayed biometric PAN cards, an initiative proposed by the then Finance Minister P Chidambaram in 2006 to counter the problem of duplicate PAN cards which were uncovered during IT searches and raids by police and other enforcement agencies.

The IT department had agreed for UID based PAN cards, according to news spources who spoke for Nilekani. The Aadhaar number is expected to come out by February, 2011. Officials are hoping  that if the UID is made mandatory for issuing PAN cards in the future, the present cases of certain people having more than one PAN card would be curbed. According to news sources UID will provide lots of benefits to TCS   in the form of fiscal remuneration. Extensive consultations with various stake holders-Union& State governments, public sector units, industry and civil society organizations have already been held. Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) with Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Union territory of Andaman and Nicobar have been signed and more states have expressed their interest in having similar MoUs. B.B.Nanawati who is the Deputy Director of UIDAI observed that non-identity of the poor was the highest barrier which prevents them from accessing benefits and services provided by the government.

According to reputed sources the government’s UIDAI project would be similar to Social Security Number (SSN) in US and it would serve as identity for each and every individual. Former Infosys chairman Nandan Nilekani is heading the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) project since the last few years on personal request from Dr. Manmohan Singh in the rank of a cabinet minister.

To understand the similarities between the two acts, a brief look at the history of Social Security in the US  shows that during the Great Depression in the 1930’s when poverty increased among senior citizens President Roosevelt drafted along with other members of the Congress  in the US the  Social Security Act.. The act was an attempt to limit what were seen as dangers in the modern American life, including old age, poverty, unemployment, and the burdens of widows and fatherless children. By signing this act on August 14, 1935, President Roosevelt became the first president to advocate the protection of the elderly.

2010, Social Security numbers in the US:

A side effect of the Social Security program in the United States has been the near-universal adaptation of the program’s identification number, SSN (Social Security number) as the national identification number in the United States, and currently a multitude of U.S. entities use the Social Security number as a personal identifier. These include government agencies such as the Internal Revenue Service, the military to identify personnel as well as private agencies such as banks, colleges and universities, health insurance companies, and employers.

The UIDAI projects, according to news sources attempts to create identity verification .There are many advantages but a prime disadvantage could be identity theft. In the US identity theft is a major concern, causing people whose IDs are stolen to have their lives impacted very badly. Protection of governmental agencies against this kind of danger could be helpful towards successful implementation of UIDAI.

Civil society representatives want safeguards against misuse

The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) will finalise the draft legislation on the UID project by the end of the May, 2010 and make it available for public comment. Several civil society representatives are demanding that adequate safeguards against misuse be built into the legislation.

The UIDAI, recently renamed ‘Aadhar,’ invited a group of civil society representatives to a consultation with chairman Nandan Nilekani and his team on 6.5.2010, in part of a series of interactions. Shekhar Singh, founder member of the National Campaign for People’s Right to Information, who chaired one of the discussions at the meeting, said social, economic and technical concerns were voiced.

“There were a lot of concerns about possible misuse, the possibility of using it for racial or religious profiling… [misuse] by commercial interests,” Mr. Singh said. “Then there were those who were worried about privacy, about Big Brother watching.”

Some activists brought up issues of human rights, the threat to privacy and the dangers of “surveillance,” human rights lawyer Vrinda Grover said. “We also asked ‘Where is the legal structure for all this?’” she said.

Mr. Nilekani and his team said the draft legislation was in the process of being finalised and promised that it would be released by the end of May, 2010.

“They said it would be put up for public debate and that an internet discussion group would also be set up,” said Mr. Singh. “There were lots of suggestions about what it should contain, including safeguards against misuse.”

In a meeting of the Empowered Group of Ministers on November 4, 2008, it was decided that the UIDAI would initially be notified as an executive authority, and that “investing it with statutory authority could be taken up for consideration later at an appropriate time.” Subsequently, at a meeting of the Prime Minister’s Council of the UID Authority on August 12, 2009, it was decided that there was a “need for a legislative framework.”

Among the other issues brought up were the technical feasibility of the scheme, the economic costs and actual usefulness in minimising corruption, the overstating of benefits, the need to prevent exclusion of marginal groups, the lack of adequate transparency to prevent manipulation, and the lack of an opt-out mechanism.

Ms. Grover felt that Mr. Nilekani and his team seemed to trivialise the human rights and privacy concerns, dismissing it as a “conspiracy theory.”

Mr. Singh said Mr. Nilekani initially seemed to shrug off responsibility about misuse, saying that the UIDAI was only concerned with providing the number, leaving the applications to others.“I think there needs to be checks and balances,” Mr. Singh added. “I do feel racial profiling and such misuses should be avoided… but I am not that sensitive to privacy issues,” he said, pointing out that India as a society was not very privacy-conscious. However, he also felt that the economic viability of the project and the justification of spending Rs.2,500 crore on a project which may not be successful in preventing corruption should be vigorously debated. “No other country has implemented such a system. There should have been a discussion with the people before it was set up,” Mr. Singh said.

The UIDAI promised to send a detailed response to the concerns raised at the meeting and accepted the suggestion that groups be set up to follow up on technical and economic issues.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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Governors can’t be removed at Centre’s whims

Saturday, May 8th, 2010

The  Supreme Court  of India on  07.05.2010  held  that  a Governor  cannot  be  removed on  the  ground  that  he/ she  is out  of  sync  with  the  policies and  ideologies  of  the  Union government  or  the  party  in power  at  the  Centre.   Nor  can he/ she  be  removed  on  the ground  that  the  Union  government  has  lost  confidence in  him/ her.

A five- judge Constitution Benchof the Supreme Court of India,   comprising Chief Justice K. G.   Balakrishnan and Justices S. H.   Kapadia,   R. V. Raveendran,   B.   Sudershan Reddy and P.   Sathasivam  was disposing  of  a  petition  filed  by the  former  Member  of  Parliament,   B. P.   Singhal.

The  Bench  said  that  as  a Governor  was  neither  an  employee  nor  agent  of  the  Union government,   it  was  rejecting the  contention  that  a  Governor  could  be  removed  if  the Union  government  or  the party  in  power  lost  ‘ confidence’   in  him.

It  held  that  a  change  in  government  at  the  Centre  was not  a  ground  for  removal  of Governors  to  make  way  for others  favoured  by  the  new government.

Writing  the  judgment,   Justice  Raveendran  said,   “ What Article  156  ( 1)   of  the  Constitution            [ under  which  a  Governor  holds  office  during  the pleasure  of  the  President] dispenses  with  is  the  need  to assign  reasons  or  the  need  to give  notice,   but  the  need  to act  fairly  and  reasonably  cannot  be  dispensed  with  by  Article  156( 1).”

The  Bench  said: “ The  President,   in  exercising  power  under  Article  156 ( 1),   should  act  in  a  manner that  is  not  arbitrary  or  unreasonable.   In  the  event  of challenge  of  withdrawal  of the  pleasure,   the  court  will necessarily  assume  that  it  is for  compelling  reasons.   Consequently,   where  the  aggrieved  person  is  not  able  to establish  a prima  facie instance  of  arbitrariness  or  mala  fides  in  his  removal,   the court  will  refuse  to  interfere.

“ However,   where  a prima facie case  of  arbitrariness  or mala  fides  is  made  out,   the court  can  require  the  Union government  to  produce  records/ material  to  satisfy  itself  that  the  withdrawal  of pleasure  was  for  good  and compelling  reasons.   What constitutes  good  and  compelling  reasons  would  depend upon  the  facts  of  the  case. Having  regard  to  the  nature of  functions  of  the  Governor in  maintaining  Centre- State relations,   and  the  flexibility available  to  the  government in  such  matters,   it  is  needless to  say  that  there  will  be  no interference  unless  a  very strong  case  is  made  out.”

The  court  said  if  the  aggrieved  person  was  able  to demonstrate prima  facie that his  or  her  removal  was  arbitrary,   mala  fide,   capricious  or whimsical,   it  would  call  upon the  Union  government  to  disclose  to  it  the  material  upon which  the  President  took  the decision  to  withdraw  the pleasure.

If  the  government  did  not disclose  any  reason,   or  if  the reasons  disclosed  were  found to  be  irrelevant,   arbitrary, whimsical,   or  mala  fide,   it would  interfere  in  such  a  decision.

The  Bench  said: “ In  the  early  days  of  Indian democracy,   the  same  political party  was  in  power  both  at  the Centre  and  the  States.   The position has changed with passage of time.   Now  different  political  parties,   some  national  and  some  regional,   are in  power  in  the  States.   Further  one  single  party  may  not be  in  power  either  in  the  Centre  or  in  the  State.   Different parties with distinct ideologies may constitute a front,   to form a government.

“ On  account  of  emergence of  coalition  politics,   many  regional  parties  have  started sharing  power  in  the  Centre. Many  a  time  there  may  not even  be  a  common  programme,   manifesto  or  agenda among  the  parties  sharing power.   As  a  result,   the  agenda or  ideology  of  a  political  party in  power  in  the  State  may  not be  in  sync  with  the  agenda  or ideology  of  the  political  parties  in  the  ruling  coalition  at the  Centre,   or  may  not  be  in sync  with  the  agenda  or  ideology  of  some  of  the  political parties  in  the  ruling  coalition at  the  Centre,   but  may  be  in sync  with  some  other  political  parties  forming  part  of  the ruling  coalition  at  the  Centre.

“ Further,   the  compulsions of  coalition  politics  may  require  the  parties  sharing power  to  frequently  change their  policies  and  agendas.   In such  a  scenario  of  myriad  policies,   ideologies,   agendas  in the  shifting  sands  of  political coalitions,   there  is  no  question  of  the  Union  government having  Governors  who  are  in sync  with  its  mandate  and policies.   Governors  are  not expected  or  required  to  implement  the  policies  of  the government  or  popular  mandates.   Their constitutional role is clearly defined and bears very limited political overtones.

Reputed  elder  statesmen, able  administrators  and  eminent  personalities,   with  maturity  and  experience  are expected  to  be  appointed  as Governors.   While  some  of them  may  come  from  a  political  background,   once  they  are appointed  as  Governors,   they owe  their  allegiance  and  loyalty  to  the  Constitution  and not  to  any  political  party  and are  required  to  preserve,   protect  and  defend  the  Constitution.

“ We,   therefore,   reject  the contention  of  the  respondents  that  Governors  should be  in  “ sync”   with  the  policies of  the  Union  government  or should  subscribe  to  the  ideology  of  the  party  in  power  at the  Centre.   As  the  Governor is  neither  the  employee  nor the  agent  of  the  Union  government,   we  also  reject  the contention  that  a  Governor can  be  removed  if  the  Union government  or  party  in  power loses  ‘ confidence’   in  him.”

The  Bench  noted  that  persons  of  calibre,   experience, and  distinction  “ are  chosen  to fill  these  posts.   Such  persons are  chosen  not  to  enable  them to  earn  their  livelihood  but  to serve  society.   It  is  wrong  to assume  that  such  persons having  been  chosen  on  account  of  their  stature,   maturity  and  experience  will  be demoralised  or  be  in  constant fear  of  removal,   unless  there is  security  of  tenure.   The  doctrine  of  pleasure  is  not  a  licence  to  act  with  unfettered discretion  to  act  arbitrarily, whimsically,   or  capriciously.”

Indo – China Border Dispute

Monday, May 3rd, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

Before his meeting with Chinese President Hu Jintao in Brazil, on April 14, 2010 in Washington DC, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said India and China were working hard to find a pragmatic solution to the border issue and were working closely on a variety of global issues, including climate change. There have been stressful relations between the two countries last year over a variety of issues that included an increase in Chinese intrusion into India’s borders.

 China’s rising assertion  over its claims to Arunachal Pradesh and Beijing’s opposition to a development loan from the Asian Development Bank on grounds that a part of it was meant for Arunachal Pradesh have been causes for dissention between the two Asian countries.

Since then, both Asian countries have been working hard, trying to repair and strengthen their ties, and observed the 60th anniversary of the establishment of their diplomatic relations with each other. Manmohan Singh told journalists at the conclusion of his four day visit to the US that India and China are working hard to resolve the existing border issue and find a pragmatic solution and added that it will take time to find a resolution.

The Prime minister stressed that both sides have decided to maintain peace and tranquility along the Line of Control while waiting for the resolution of the border dispute.

Manmohan Singh and Hu met at the 47-nation Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, but have decided to hold their bilateral talks on the sidelines of BRIC summit of Brazil, India, Russia and China.Manmohan Singh very positively expressed that on the economic front the relationship between India and China has progressed.

The McMahon Line boundary argument has always been the reason of disagreement between China and India. Due to historical reasons China has land and sea boundary issues with 14 neighbors. The Chinese laid territorial claims on land   that India considers as its own. Of them one is in the western sector, Aksai Chin situated in the northeastern section of Ladakh District in Jammu and Kashmir. The other claim is in the eastern sector over a region included in the British-designated North-East Frontier Agency, the disputed part of which India renamed Arunachal Pradesh and made into a state. During  a fight over these territories in 1962, the efficient  and well equipped troops of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army overpowered  the Indian troops,  who were not only poorly equipped but were also in adept at fighting at high altitudes.

 Britain tried to advance its line of control and established buffer zones around its colony in South Asia during the early 20th century. In the year 1913-1914 representatives of China, Tibet and Britain negotiated the Simla Convention. Sir Henry McMahon, the foreign secretary of British India at the time, drew up the 550 mile (890 km) McMahon Line as the border between British India and Tibet during the Simla Conference. The McMahon Line separated the former unclaimed and undefined borders between Britain and Tibet. and moved British control to the north. The Tibetan and British representatives at the conference concurred upon the line, which allowed Tawang and other Tibetan areas to the imperial British Empire. The Chinese representative rejected the line and Peking claimed territory in the north down to the border of the Assam plain the land is mostly rugged and mountainous terrain with the Himalayas along the northern borders, cutting across with mountain ranges running north-south. This terrain splits the state into five river valleys: the Kameng, the Subansiri, the Siang, the Lohit and the Tirap. Steep mountains and dense forests have prevented interaction between tribes living in the various river valleys. Geographical isolation thus imposed has led different tribes to develop their own dialects and grow with their individual identities. A slow forward move towards the McMahon Line was begun on the ground, to establish a new de facto boundary. The McMahon Line took a backseat and was forgotten until about 1935 when the British government decided to publish the documents in the 1937 edition of Aitchison’s Collection of Treaties. The NEFA (North East Frontier Agency) was created in 1954. On 7 November 1959, Chou En-lai proposed that both sides should withdraw their troops twenty kilometers from the McMahon line. During the decade of cordial Sino-Indian relations, the issue was silent but erupted again during the Sino-Indian War of 1962 and during the war in 1962, the PRC captured most of the NEFA. China soon declared victory and voluntarily withdrew back to the McMahon Line.

China is in occupation of approximately 38,000 sq. kms of Indian territory in Jammu and Kashmir. In addition, under the so-called China-Pakistan “Boundary Agreement” of 1963, Pakistan allowed 5,180 sq. kms of Indian territory in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir to China. China claims approximately 90,000 sq. kms. of Indian territory in Arunachal Pradesh and about 2000 sq. kms in the Middle Sector of the India-China boundary though Beijing has stated that it does not recognize Arunachal Pradesh.

 The border between China and India has never been officially demarcated, and so China’s position on the eastern part of the border between the two countries has been consistent. Chinese government does not recognize the McMahon Line’s illegality. As far as China is concerned, the McMahon Line stands as a symbol of imperialist aggression on the country. The so-called “Arunachal Pradesh” dispute is China’s most intractable border issue. Because the gap between the positions of China and India is wide, it is difficult for both nations to reach agreement. The area of this disputed region is three times larger than Taiwan, six times that of Beijing and ten times that of the Malvenas islands, which are not agreeable for Britain and Argentina. It is flat and rich in resources like water and forests.

 Arunachal Pradesh is the single issue which has a potential for conflict between India and China .In the probability of  war between India and China, this issue could be a reason. India considers repeated Sino-Indian border clashes a potential red flag to its security. Since the war, each side continuously improved its military and logistics capabilities in the disputed regions. China has continued its occupation of the Aksai Chin area, through which it built a strategic highway linking Xizang and Xinjiang .China had a vital military interest in maintaining control over this region, whereas India’s primary interest lay in Arunachal Pradesh, its state in the northeast bordering Xizang Autonomous Region.

 An armed attack at Nathu La in eastern Sikkim in 1967 barring, the border between India and China (Tibet) and the vaguely defined Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh/Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh – had been free of any major incidents through the 1970s and the early 1980s. While relations between the two countries remained not very cordial official statements from Beijing and New Delhi professed a desire to solve the border tangle peacefully through mutual consultations. In December 1981, officials from both countries held yearly talks on the border issue.

 With improving logistics from the Indian side, the Indian Army sought to reinforce and strengthen forward areas in Arunachal Pradesh in the early 1980s. Patrols resumed in 1981 and by the summer of 1984 India had established an observation post on the bank of the Sumdorong Chu, according to Chinese media. By September-October 1986, a group of the Indian Army 5 Mountain Division was lifted by helicopters to Zimithang, a helipad very close to the S-C valley. Referred to as Operation Falcon, this involved the occupation of ridges overlooking the S-C valley, including Langrola and the Hathung La ridge .This was followed by reports of large-scale troop movements on both sides of the border in early 1987, and serious concerns about a possible military clash over the border were felt.

  In February 1987, India established the so-called Arunachal Pradesh in its Chinese-claimed territories south of the McMahon Line. After these events, and India’s conversion of Arunachal Pradesh from union territory to state, tensions between China and India have risen significantly. Both nations moved to reinforce their capabilities in the area, but neither ruled out further negotiations of their fights.

 China, has a large military presence in Tibet, and moved in 20,000 troops from the 53rd Army Corps in Chengdu and the 13th Army in Lanzhou by early 1987, with the aid of heavy artillery and helicopters. By early April, it had moved 8 divisions to eastern Tibet as a prelude to possible belligerent action. India’s Operation Falcon massive air-land exercise in 1986 involved 10 Divisions of the Indian Army and several squadrons of the IAF. The Indian Army moved 3 divisions to positions around Wangdung, where they were supplied solely by air. These reinforcements were over and above the 50,000 troops already present across Arunachal Pradesh.

 Although India enjoyed air superiority in 1987, between the two military forces, which had a combined total of nearly 400,000 troops near the border parity on the ground existed. The Indian Army positioned eleven divisions in the region, backed by paramilitary forces, whereas the PLA had available fifteen divisions for operations on the border. It is believed that the mountainous terrain, high-altitude climate, and logistic difficulties made it unlikely that a protracted conflict would erupt on the Sino-Indian border.

  Citing an example of cordial neighborly relations Sino-Indian border has not suffered any major disturbances since 1986, as compared to the continuous firing incidents and infiltration on the Indo-Pak borders. In December 1988, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited China and the Prime Ministers of the two countries agreed to settle the boundary questions through the guiding principle of “Mutual Understanding and Accommodation and Mutual Adjustment”. They mutually agreed that while seeking for the mutually acceptable resolution to the boundary questions, the two countries should develop their relations in other fields in efforts to create conducive atmosphere with respect to the settlement of the boundary questions. The two countries decided to establish a Joint Working Group (JWG) regarding the boundary questions at the Vice-Foreign Ministerial level.

 On 7 September 1993 an Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border Areas was signed. After more than three decades of border tension, high-level bilateral talks were held in New Delhi starting in February 1994 to develop confidence-building measures between the defense forces of India and China. This gave birth to a new period of better relations. In November 1995, the two sides dismantled the guard posts in close proximity to each other along the borderline in Wangdong area, stabilizing the border .In a move to build better relationship of trust during President Jiang Zemin’s visit to India at the end of November 1996, the Governments of China and India signed the Agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India Border Areas. These Agreements provide an institutional framework for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in the border areas.

 Despite  a lot of efforts that have been done during the Sino-Indian official border talks, the border issue remains bogged down in various bilateral and domestic contradictions on both sides. Border ‘encounters’ between India and China do happen occasionally and arise from the very real disagreements that exist between the two sides in demarcating the LCA on the ground. Such incidents have usually been handled, by the two sides discreetly withdrawing to their earlier positions and without involving the media’s attention.

  According to news sources the two sides withdrew sentries along the eastern section that were considered close to each other. During early 1990s, India unilaterally withdrew about 35,000 troops from its eastern sector. On the other hand, the PLA maintains a force between 180,000 and 300,000 soldiers and has directly ruled Tibet from 1950 to 1976, and indirectly thereafter. Tibet today is connected to other military regions through four-lane highways and strategic roads. And Beijing’s capability to airlift troops from its other neighboring military regions has developed extensively from its former inability to implement air force in 1962.

 During the Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China in June 2003 India and China signed a Memorandum on Expanding Border Trade, which adds Nathula as another pass on the India-China border for conducting trade along the border .India has agreed to designate Changgu of Sikkim state as the venue for border trade market, while the Chinese side has agreed to designate Renqinggang of the Tibet Autonomous Region as the venue for border trade market.

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to India in April 2005, and during this visit the two sides signed an agreement on political settlement of the boundary issue while setting guidelines and principles. As part of the agreement, China and India affirmed their readiness to seek a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution to the boundary issue through friendly negotiations.

 To rectify the situation arising out of poor road connectivity which has hampered the operational capability of the Border Guarding Forces deployed along the India-China border, the Government has decided to undertake phase-wise construction of 27 road links totaling 608 Km in the border areas along the India-China border in the States of Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh at an estimated cost of Rs.912.00 crores. The construction of two roads in Arunachal Pradesh has started. The construction of these roads was expected to start during 2008-09.

 The two nations perceive differently the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the India-China border areas and do patrolling activity in the India-China border areas. LAC incursions and issues are taken up through diplomatic channels and at Border Personnel Meetings/Flag Meetings. According to news sources India and China resolve to seek reasonable and mutually acceptable settlement of the boundary question through amicable talks.  According to news sources good economic growth in China and India is under severe threat because of the global financial crisis, and both countries have more pressing concerns than a border dispute. But despite the unresolved border issues, the two countries are trying to foster greater cooperation. It cannot be denied that the two are also major rivals.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

 

*****

16th SAARC Summit in Thimpu – Bhutan

Sunday, May 2nd, 2010

SAARC was established on Dec. 8, 1985 and at present comprises of eight countries in the region namely Nepal, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Maldives, Afghanistan and Bhutan.

SAARC provides a platform for the peoples of South Asia to work together in a spirit of friendship, trust and understanding. Its goal is to accelerate the process of economic and social development in member states. The 16th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit has been scheduled from April 28-29 in the capital of Bhutan, Thimphu. Bhutan is also referred to as the land of the thunderbolt.

Climate change will be a burning issue in the Summit that has this year’s theme as ‘Towards a green and happy South Asia’. Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal on Tuesday (27th April 2010) left for Bhutan to attend the 16th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit to be held in Thimpu on April 28 and 29th 2010.

The Prime minister of Nepal before departing to the Bhutanat Tribhuvan International Airport said that climate change will be a big topic of discussion.

The Prime Minister, his wife Gayatri Nepal, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala, National Planning Commission member Dinesh Devkota, advisors to the prime minister and foreign minister, the Chief of Protocol, two security personnel of the prime minister, foreign ministry officials and journalists are part of the delegation team. The Cabinet has endorsed three agreements — SAARC Agreement on Disaster Response Mechanism, SAARC Convention on Cooperation on Environment and Climate Change and Agreement on Trade in Services —  to be forwarded to all member states and which will be the outcome of the SAARC summit.

Bhutan has completed preparations to host the summit, which will mark the 25th year of establishment of the regional body. The summit as planned will commence on April 28 followed by a meeting of the 38th session of the Programming Committee on April 29. Eight member nations will be joined by observers from China, Japan, the European Union, Republic of Korea, the US, Australia, Mauritius and Iran. The other issues that will be discussed will be energy, food crisis and effective implementation of the SAARC development fund. Regional issues like terrorism, extremism, early implementation of South Asian Free Trade Agreement and expansion of tourism across the region will also figure in the summit.

Another key agenda will be the appointment of a SAARC Development Fund secretary in the secretariat, which will be established in Thimpu.

Every area of cooperation under SAARC has a direct impact on the lives and livelihoods of the people in that region. Our leaders have aptly identified the focus of SAARC as being development oriented, according to foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao.
She claims that in this 25th year of SAARC, we can take satisfaction from the fact that SAARC has evolved into a service provider for the economic and development needs of the people of the region. She praised Bhutan, which is the chair and host of the 16th SAARC summit, for taking the lead to put climate change at the centre of the SAARC agenda. Bhutan has led the way among all in enshrining respect and sensitivity for environmental concerns and the preservation of our precious environmental space. She stated that at the summit, India will focus on improving regional connectivity through the development of new trade, transport and telecommunication links.

SAARC University in New Delhi

As part of an enterprising move SAARC University is set to start functioning in New Delhi in the next three months. India has asserted that there will be no discrimination of visa issue against any students from any country, including those from Pakistan although police reporting would be deemed mandatory.

Bhutan, in the past had refused thrice to host the summit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), but now has shown enthusiasm for the 16th summit commencing on April 27, 2010.

There is trepidation, according to news sources, in the air about the imminent meeting between the Indian and Pakistan Prime Ministers. Officials are working out the final document   that intends to demonstrate the efficacy of the eight-member grouping after nearly two decades of inaction.  A point to note is that only at the 14th summit in Delhi did the SAARC resolved to move beyond the declaratory to implementation.

India: A Driving force

The current summit is expected to reveal two agreements: one on the environmental issues and the other on trade in services. The pact on environment is likely to see announcements on a regional institutional architecture to deal with climate change, and the setting up of 50 weather stations to provide storm warning in member countries, like Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh.

The climate change deal is aimed at evolving a fresh SAARC position as per the Bali Action Plan and the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change. The agreement on trade in services is meant to give a boost to regional trade which, as several studies have shown, is the poorest among all regional trading blocs in the world.

India is taking a stand for agreements on motor vehicles and railways and rapid response to natural disasters. Officials report that a few countries, including Pakistan, have inhibitions about the prospects of a “combined rapid response” force and are seeking clarity.

But, with India taking the lead, the vision of a region-wide physical connectivity unveiled by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is being implemented bilaterally and among three countries, as in the case of Nepal-India-Bangladesh and Bhutan-India-Bangladesh.

This meeting, which was to have been held in Kathmandu earlier this month, was postponed at Pakistan’s request. Similarly the movement on anti-terrorism has stalled, with Nepal having sought postponement of a meeting of the SAARC Home Ministers scheduled in Islamabad for earlier this year to give an impetus to the SAARC Ministerial Declaration on Cooperation in Combating Terrorism. However, a basic structure that shares unclassified information on terrorism and drug-related cases is already functioning.

India is also hoping on some pact that will bring down non-tariff barriers to give a boost to trade. The summit will be a test for India’s move to establish its own Monroe Doctrine, particularly in relation to its biggest neighbor, China, who is an observer nation at the 16th SAARC summit. India which is the largest country in South East Asia uses the 19th Century Monroe Doctrine of then-US president James Monroe to justify intervention in trouble areas around the Indian periphery.

The Indian security establishment believes that the United States’ operation in Afghanistan and Pakistan cannot succeed without India’s active co-operation, at least when it comes to nation-building in Afghanistan. Likewise, India wants actively participle in Washington’s nuclear talks with Iran and any overtures to Myanmar. Iran is an observer nation in SAARC. Afghanistan became a SAARC member in 2007.

Hope of Refugees:

Several thousands of Bhutanese refugees, who were forcefully thrown out of their   homes for almost twenty years, are hoping to return to Bhutan at the end of the summit. Nepal is the homeland of the largest number of Bhutanese refugees who amount to nearly a sixth of the Buddhist kingdom’s population.

Evicted from Bhutan due to their ethnic roots and adherence to non-Buddhist religions, the younger refugees began to opt for a new life in western countries after Thimphu government refused to take them back.

Now nearly 30 percent of the refugees have already exited Nepal for a fresh start in the US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Denmark and Norway and more are expected to follow in the days to come.

Bhutan’s refugee leaders are now convincing the heads of the eight member states to start multilateral talks for their return to Bhutan. Nepal and Bhutan held 15 rounds of talks to repatriate the refugees from Nepal but the talks abated and have not been resumed.

The summit is the first biggest international event being held in the country which is predominantly Buddhist in culture.

The 60-km long mountanious route from Paro Airport to Thimpu was lined by thousands of schoolchildren, dressed in traditional robes — kira for girls and goh for boys who vigorously waved the flags of the eight nations.

Roads in the city are decorated with colourful banners which welcome foreign delegates and the weather is pleasant.

In accordance with Bhutan’s climate protection policy – Bhutan is one of the world’s greenest nations with nearly 70 percent forest cover- a joint declaration ‘Towards a Green and Happy South Asia’ is expected to be an outcome of the summit.

April 28th 2010

The 16th SAARC summit began in Thimpu on April 28, 2010 with heads of eight South Asian countries seeking a joint initiative to tackle climate change threats and also to boost trade and regional cooperation among SAARC nations.

The conference got under way in this serene and pollution-free capital city of Bhutan the summit’s key theme “Towards a Green and Happy South Asia” seems only apt.

Seeking a fresh approach to global climate talks the SAARC leaders would pitch for observer status to the bloc at the Mexico conference on global warming later this year. This would enable the eight South Asian nations – Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Maldives and Bhutan besides India – to expressive their concerns collectively and effectively, according to news sources.Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs of United States of America , Robert O Blake, Jr. led the US observer delegation to the 16th SAARC Summit that  held in Thimphu, Bhutan on April 28-29 and held bilateral meetings  with the regional leaders on the margins of the summit according to press releases.

Prior to reaching Bhutan, Mr. Blake paid a two-day visit to Nepal on April 25-26, during which he met with political leaders, several government officials and civil society to discuss the continuation of the peace process, the next steps in the drafting of the constitution, and economic development.

The 16th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit concluded in Thimphu (Bhutan) with a ‘joint declaration’ and a statement on climate change, and a promise for planting ten million trees in the region to mitigate deforestation. Also, Afghanistan included, the leaders of eight SAARC countries agreed to establish an inter-governmental expert group on climate change to monitor regional policy implementations. Collectively the leaders vowed to continue the fight against terrorist activities and expressed concern over the threat which jeopardizes ‘peace, security and economic stability’ of the region.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh led the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) leaders on April 28 2010, and spoke in detail to the other members on the progress made by the eight-member regional association in its 25 years of existence. In the opening statement made by the Prime Minister of India, he said that though all the AARC member nations had created institutions for regional cooperation, they have not been empowered to be more proactive. On the positive side, new era of cooperation such as a development fund, food bank, free trade agreement and a university were poised to growing maturity.

While maintaining that declarations did not amount to regional cooperation, the Prime Minister said the SAARC’s potential would be met only when freer movement of people, goods, services and ideas took place. “In other words, the region must be better connected, empowered, fed and educated.”  Manmohan Singh met his Pakistan counterpart Yusuf Raza Gilani during the summit where they decided to keep the channels of dialogue open in a joint to restore “trust and confidence”. He also met leaders from SriLanka,Nepal and Bangladesh and discussed bilateral issues. India and Pakistan should compartmentalize their disputes to allow the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) reach its potential in terms of regional connectivity, trade and people-to-people contacts. The discussion between the leaders  suggested that  India and Pakistan should compartmentalize their disputes to allow the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) reach its potential in terms of regional connectivity, trade and people-to-people contacts.

Many leaders of the SAARC countries had passed on the suggestion to Pakistan Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani during their bilateral meetings with him that specifically, Pakistan should address India’s concerns, especially with respect to the prosecution of all the Mumbai terror attack masterminds, highly placed sources disclosed to a major news source.  While pointing out that all eight SAARC leaders were democratically elected, they expressed puzzlement as to why disputes could not be resolved by sitting across the table and addressing each other’s concerns.

Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have a similarity of views with Bhutan, Nepal and Maldives with regards to India. They all wanted Pakistan to stop procrastinating on the prosecution of the persons involved in the Mumbai attacks and eliminating the threat to India from non-state actors based on its soil.

Besides conveying these sentiments to Pakistan, some leaders also made a reference to the India-Pakistan dispute, directly or obliquely, in their opening speeches at the summit.

“I hope neighbours can find ways to compartmentalize their differences while I am, of course, referring to India and Pakistan. I hope the summit will lead to greater dialogue between them,” President of the Maldives Mohamed Nasheed told news people.

The leaders acknowledged that more than the two countries, it was the media that raised the prospects of an India-Pakistan summit meeting to a feverish pitch. The Prime Minister of Pakistan Gilani extended an invitation to Manmohan Singh to visit Pakistan and the Indian leader responded by saying that he would love to visit Pakistan.

During the two day summit on April 28-29, 2010 Mr. Singh held bilateral talks with his Bhutanese counterpart Jigmi Thinley during which the two countries signed implementation agreements for Punatsangchhu-II and Mangdechhu hydroelectric project that have a combined capacity of 1710 MW.These agreements were signed in the presence of the two Prime ministers by External affairs minister S.M.Krishna and his Bhutanese counterpart Khandu Wangchuk. The Prime Minister of Pakistan Gilani   extended an invitation to Manmohan Singh to visit Pakistan and the Indian leader responded by saying that he would love to do that. Discussions of various issues between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the Prime minister of Pakistan changed the climate between the two countries, Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi said in Thimphu on Thursday.

Manmohan Singh   took the India-Bhutan ties a step further, when he laid the foundation stone of a state-of-the-art medical college and launched a project that would make half of the population computer literate in the next five years. Singh and Thinley unveiled the foundation stones of the Bhutan Institute of Medical Sciences and that of the two hydroelectric projects.

Singh also met with fourth King Jigme Singye Wangchuck and shared views on the just-concluded SAARC Summit and paid compliments to the excellent hospitality extended by Bhutan.

Two significant statements of the Summit:

1- Thimphu Silver Jubilee Declaration titled “Towards a Green and Happy South Asia.”

2- Thimphu statement on climate change.

The members of eight SAARC countries agreed to have an inter-governmental expert group with respect to climate change, who would meet twice a year at least, to develop and monitor regional policy implementations. The leaders had also made the decision to plant ten million trees in the next five years in all the member states as part of a regional aforestation and reforestation move.

Concerned about climate changes’ effect on 1.6 billion people of South Asia, the leaders also showed determination to promote the use of green and low-carbon technology.

The ‘Thimphu statement of climate change’ according to   SAARC member states, faces the double challenge of addressing the negative impacts of climate change while trying to bring about socio-economic development. The leaders have told the SAARC secretary general to commission a study on ‘Climate risks in the regions: Ways to comprehensively address the related social, economic and environmental challenges’, to be presented at the next SAARC summit.

According to media sources in his closing remarks Prime Minister Lyonchhoen Jigmi Y Thinley, remarked  that  the  ‘Thimphu statement on climate change’ would be a strong impetus to collaborative efforts in addressing issues of climate change, at many levels  like  national, regional and international.  He said that the talks of the two days of   April 28-29 2010 had been most educational and productive and added that everybody there were able to have detailed discussions on one of the most challenging issues of our times.

The secretary general was also instructed to commission a study aimed at accreditation of SAARC with the Kyoto Protocol’s adaptation fund as a regional entity for undertaking adaptation projects in South Asia.

Member states agreed to review the implementation of the Dhaka Declaration and SAARC action plan on climate change, in order to ensure implementation in a timely manner.

The 16th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit concluded in Thimphu (Bhutan) with a ‘joint declaration’ and a statement on climate change, and a promise for planting ten million trees in the region to mitigate deforestation. Also, Afghanistan included, the leaders of eight SAARC countries agreed to establish an inter-governmental expert group on climate change to monitor regional policy implementations. Collectively the leaders vowed to continue the fight against terrorist activities and expressed concern over the threat which jeopardizes ‘peace, security and economic stability’ of the region.

The Maldives would be the next venue for the next 17th SAARC Summit scheduled in 2011.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Earthquake in Qinghai Province in China – April 2010

Sunday, May 2nd, 2010

Beijing — April 14, 2010

According to Chinese news sources a powerful earthquake in northwest China killed at least 300 people, injured 8,000 and left many others buried under debris. The quake, at a magnitude of 7.1 occurred at 7:49 a.m. in Qinghai Province according to China’s earthquake administration. The earth quake, which struck at 7:49 a.m. in Qinghai Province, was reportedly described as having a magnitude of 7.1 by China’s earthquake administration. The United States Geological Survey recorded it as 6.9. According to Xinhua, the earthquake struck 240 miles southeast of Golmud, a town of about 130,000 on the Tibetan plateau best known as the site of the world’s largest salt lake.

The earthquake in southern Qinghai Province occurred as a result of strike-slip faulting in the tectonically complex region of the eastern Tibetan Plateau. This earthquake occurred several hundred kilometers north of the convergent India-Eurasia plate boundary, where the Indian Plate is moving northwards to Eurasia at a rate of approximately 46 mm/yr.

This convergence is the cause of the uplift of the Himalaya Mountains, at a rate of approximately 10 mm/yr, and the Tibetan Plateau, which is an extremely broad region of thickened and uplifted crust. The Tibetan Plateau is extending and translating east-southeastward within a larger zone of generally north-south convergence. Based on the location, depth, and moment tensor of the event, the Qinghai Province earthquake most likely reflects the interaction between these major tectonic forces, dominated in this location by southeastward translation along the Yushu fault, a strand of the larger Xianshuihe fault system. This fault accommodates approximately 9-12 mm/yr of motion, approximately one third of the overall eastward motion of Tibet.

The April 14, 2010 earthquake is one of the largest known historic earthquakes within several hundred kilometers of its location. In 1738, a nearby earthquake of approximately magnitude 6.5 caused over 300 fatalities. In the past ruptures on the Xianshuihe fault system further to the southeast includes:

Year Magnitude of the Earthquake
1792 6.8
1816 7.5
1904 7.0
1973 7.6
1981 6.9

Last August, 2009, Golmud was hit by a 6.2 magnitude earthquake that destroyed dozens of homes but caused no deaths. Qinghai is an ethnic melting pot of Tibetans, Mongols and Han Chinese. It is adjacent to Sichuan Province, where at least 87,000 people died in a powerful earthquake in 2008.

China Earthquake Networks Center, reported to media that  the April 14th earthquake struck in Yushu County, which is  a remote and mountainous area sparsely populated by farmers and herders, most of them ethnic Tibetans. The region is pocked with copper, tin and coal mines and rich in natural gas. A government Web site said the county’s population was around 80,000. Radio bulletins reported said that more than 80 percent of the homes in the area had collapsed but that schools and government buildings had largely remained standing. It was also reported that the road to the airport was impassable and that soldiers were digging out people from collapsed homes manually. Local officials said that phone service was limited and that rescue efforts were stymied by a lack of heavy equipment. Medical supplies and tents, they added, were in short supply. There was concern that the number of injuries and deaths may be increasing.

State news media reported that 700 paramilitary officers were already working in the quake zone and that another 3,000 troops would be sent to the area to assist in search and rescue efforts. The civil affairs ministry said it would also send 5,000 tents and 50,000 blankets to help the troops.

JIEGU, China14, April 2010

When this small town in remote western China was hit by an earthquake, a 14year-old boy Sangqiuyixi was sweeping the floor of his classroom at Yushu No.2 Ethnic High School. He broke the window and managed to escape. The earthquake struck at around 8 a.m. local time, when most students were already in school. Like Sangqiuyixi, every student who survived now has a story to tell.

Located in the southern part of Qinghai Province, Jiegu is the seat of Yushu County. It is close to the provincial border with Tibet Autonomous Region, and more than 90 per cent of its population of about 100,000 is ethnic Tibetans.

The magnitude-7.1 earthquake took a heavy toll on schools. Local authorities estimate that 80 per cent of primary schools and half of secondary school buildings in the county were severely damaged.

Attention focused on several schools in Jiegu, where 66 students and 10 teachers died. Chinese media published images of three young children in blue school uniforms lying dead on the pavement – a grim picture of the high casualty rate at poorly constructed schools in Sichuan in 2008, when a bigger quake killed 87,000 people. Local officials said that phone service was limited and that rescue efforts were stymied by a lack of heavy equipment and also observed that there was a shortage of tents and medical supplies. Military trucks have been deployed to the remote area, 480 miles away from the provincial capital, Xining, to aid rescue and relief efforts. Witnesses reported the collapse of many brick and wood buildings, with people rushing through the debris to free those trapped inside.

Half the buildings at the Yushu vocational school are said to have collapsed. Though 600 rescuers from the paramilitary force had come to help in the rescue mission there was a shortage of equipment and disaster relief gear. The need for such items far exceeds the supply. They needed tents, temporary housing, and power generators mobile kitchens among other things.

Power and water supplies have been cut although some early reports suggested larger buildings had stood firm. The population is relatively scattered, making it hard to assess damage.

The earth quake, which struck at 7:49 a.m. in Qinghai Province, was reportedly described as having a magnitude of 7.1 by China’s earthquake administration. The United States Geological Survey recorded it as 6.9.

According to Xinhua, the earthquake struck 240 miles southeast of Golmud, a town of about 130,000 on the Tibetan plateau best known as the site of the world’s largest salt lake.

Dr David Rothery, of the Open University’s department of earth & environmental sciences, said that like the Haiti quake, it happened when the ground either side of a fault slipped sideways. He cited that in this case it was a consequence of India’s northward collision into Asia, which for millions of years has slowly been forcing the Tibetan plateau out towards the east.

But the Qinghai quake was at a slightly more shallow depth than that which struck Haiti, said Rothery. When quakes are shallow, the shaking of the ground is more. Earthquakes are common in this region, but there has not been anything so big within 200 km of the current epicentre since at least 1900.

With more than 300 people missing in Yushu prefecture, Qinghai province, the authorities sent canine teams and heavy lifting equipment to help rescue workers search for people trapped in the rubble left by yesterday’s 7.1 magnitude quake.

H.H. the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader conducted prayers for victims and survivors of the earthquake in the Quighan province of China and a Long Life Offering for His Holiness .Both ceremonies were conducted at the Main Tibetan Temple in Dharamsala, India. He was joined at the ceremonies by H.H. the 17th Karmapa as both leaders continued the cultural trend of Buddhist leaders offering compassion and support wherever it is needed.

The Dalai Lama has already petitioned the Chinese government to allow him to travel to the earthquake site in order to comfort those who are suffering. This is a particularly significant request as he was born in that area.

He reportedly said in a statement, that to fulfill the wishes of many of the people there, he was eager to go there him to offer them comfort, but because of the physical distance, at present he was unable to comfort those directly affected, but he would like them to know he was praying for them .Although most of the region’s people are Tibetan, there has been no response from the Chinese government. According to news sources Beijing accuses the Dalai Lama of encouraging separatism in Tibetan areas, an allegation he has denied. According to the venerable Dalai Lama,”May the people affected by this earthquake and all natural disasters find peace and comfort as they move forward with their lives. And may we all awaken to the reality that such events can happen anywhere on Earth.”

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

Entry of Foreign Universities in India

Saturday, May 1st, 2010

On March 15.2010 in Mumbai, the cabinet approved a bill that would allow foreign universities to set up campuses in the country, a major turn around with a former  policy in which outside institutions were considered a threat to the education system. Indian government has approved a plan to allow foreign universities to set up campuses and offer degrees in India. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s cabinet approved the proposals, which will be debated by parliament this month.

Nearly one in three of India’s 1.15 billion people are under the age of 14, and the Prime Minister has said that improving educational standards is crucial to rapid economic development. Private and foreign corporate investment may soon start to flow into Indian higher education with the government considering a move to reform the policy that hinders such financing. India is reforming its higher education system after listening to concerns that it faces a dearth of qualified graduates.

Every year, many English-speaking Indians head to countries such as the US and Australia to pursue higher education. Though India has a wealth of top notch educational institutions, she is unable to meet the demands for quality education, according to news sources.

Some analysts project that India’s growing economy will face a shortfall of half a million qualified graduates over the next five years.

Union Education Minister Kapil Sibal described the bill as a milestone which will enhance choices, and increase competition and benchmark quality.

As of now, it is not possible for non-profit companies under Article 25 of the Companies Registration Act like industry associations to start up an institution and get university status and recognition from the University Grants Commission.

Educational institutions in India can be set up only by trusts, societies and charitable companies, but the profits cannot be taken out of the institution and be re-invested .This restriction hinders expansion, and simultaneously encourages promoters to resort to creative accounting practices to take out profits from the institutions. According to news sources the United Progressive Alliance government has to provide evidence to clarify this clause.

There is concern in the country that the largely public higher education system will be incapable of coping with the increasing demand for college degrees from a large population of young people, and the bill, is still subject to a decision by Parliament. Sibal has said that in the next 10 years, more than 40 million children will be going to college and thus infrastructure for them has to be provided. Though the government has begun investing more in education, most public universities, like grade schools, have been starved for resources. Private institutions have taken up some of the slack, but a corrupt and tortuous bureaucracy makes obtaining permits difficult. Many private institutions are run by politicians or their families.

The bill would require universities to invest a minimum of about $11 million and would prohibit them from repatriating profits, a possible deterrent that could limit the appeal of an Indian campus to those universities that view overseas programs as money-churning ventures. The bill also eliminates a provision in the current law that does not allow a foreign institution from conferring degrees in India. That law has limited foreign universities to discrete programs, usually in collaboration with Indian institutions.

Georgia Institute of Technology and many similar American universities have expressed interest in starting campuses in India, partly because the country sends about 100,000 students to the United States every year, compared to other countries. The Institute of International education last month, invited and brought together presidents and senior officials from 13 American universities to India for meetings with Indian educators and policy makers.

The bill would also attract universities from Britain, Australia and Canada, which draw many Indian students.

The effort to bring foreign institutions to the country could also thwarted in Parliament, where opposition parties have been adamantly thwarting the will of the coalition government led by the Congress Party. Recently according to news sources, the government was forced to withdraw a controversial bill that would have limited the liability of American nuclear power companies that came to India under the civilian nuclear deal. Many Indian educators are against allowing foreign universities to step in to Indian soil because they are anxious about losing faculty members and students. Moreover, foreign institutions will not have to comply with the admission quotas for minorities that local universities face. In February of this year Mrs.Pratibha Patil said that the Central Government would bring in legislation for a move to allow foreign universities to offer joint degrees in association with Indian institutes, an idea that was strongly supported by Mr.Sibal, the Human Resources Development minister.

On March 16,2010 higher educational institutions, like the prestigious IITs and IIMs, applauded the government’s go-ahead for a bill to allow entry of foreign providers of education in India and sought to lay to rest any threat posed by the institutions from abroad. The director of IIM Lucknow Prof Devi Singh said it is a good move and will help bring internationally reputed education providers to India. Devi Singh said that it is important that the foreign institutions entering India offer the same degrees and diplomas that they are offering in their own countries as this will help to ensure that the certification that they provide in India will have the same value internationally as their current qualification. Foreign universities like Yale have welcomed the Indian government’s move.

For many years the country’s cleverest and most privileged students have migrated to foreign lands to complete their higher education and never looked back.

Many Indian leaders have studied at Cambridge or Oxford in Britain, including the country’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, and the current Prime minister, Mr.Manmohan Singh. About 100,000 Indians study at universities in the United States and 60,000 in other countries, according to the New York-based Institute of International Education. The bill if passed in parliament would be good for India’s economic and social well being, according to Ajit Motwani the institutes’ Indian representative. The bars of standards would be raised in colleges.

Lisa Lapin, Stanford’s assistant vice president, told the Hindustan Times that learning centres and research partnerships had proved valuable in India for the university’s current students and would probably be expanded.

The bill, which stipulates foreign institutes would have to deposit a start-up fund of $11 million, is expected to have difficult passage in parliament. The BJP is not too happy with the current form of the bill and many communist law makers are expected to oppose it, according to news sources. According to them the bill has advantages for only the rich section of society and ignores the weaker sections.

This is a very exciting time for India in developing its higher education structure.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

The good, bad and ugly story of IPL Twenty20

Monday, April 26th, 2010

Shanthi Rajagopal

The IPL controversy is the talk of the cricket world. Read the complete background and know the highs and lows of BCCI’s IPL. 

The IPL (India Premier League) is a highly successful, franchise-based Twenty20 event that attracts attracted players on a wide global level. The Indian Premier League is a competition initiated by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) headquartered in Mumbai and supervised by BCCI Vice President Lalit Modi, chairman & commissioner for IPL, and CEO, Sundar Raman. It presently includes 8 teams (franchises) consisting of players from different countries. It was started after altercation between the BCCI and the Indian Cricket League.

It was the first sporting event ever to be broadcast live on the popular video sharing website Youtube.  The Indian Premier League’s brand value was estimated to be around $4.13 billion (over Rs 18,000 crore) in 2010. According to global sports salaries review, IPL is the second highest-paid league, based on first-team salaries on a pro-rata basis, second only to the NBA. It is calculated that the average salary of IPL over a year is £2.5 million.

In South Africa last year during the tough economic conditions, the country benefited remarkably from the IPL as an economic boost. There was significant economic activity from thousands of tourists converging in that country. Hotels, restaurants, gift stores, and other small businesses benefited from increased spending from visitors and the IPL. It softened the economic upheaval in South Africa that plagued the world.

The best of the IPL in South Africa was not victories or the Bollywood stars, but the frequent recognition of hundreds of children, teachers, and schools in every game. Lots of needed scholarships and gifts were given out in each game to children and schools. Four schools from each host city were selected for a scholarship fund to improve educational opportunities and many local papers in South Africa cited the benefits of the IPL to numerous communities by raising awareness and community interactions.

The winning bidders for the eight franchises were announced on 24 January 2008. While the total base price for auction was US $400 million, the auction fetched US $723.59 millions

On 21 March 2010, Pune and Kochi were unveiled as the two new franchises for the fourth edition of the Indian Premier League. The base price was $225 million. While Pune was bought by Sahara Adventure Sports Group for $370 million, the Kochi franchise was bought by Rendezvous Sports World Limited for $333.3 million. The second franchise auction fetched total $703 million.

  Franchise Owner Captain Price (USD) Price (RS)
           

 
Royal Challengers Bangalore Vijay Mallya (UB Group) Anil Kumble $ 111.6 m Rs. 440 Cr

 
Deccan Chargers Deccan Chronicle (Gayatri Reddy) Adam Gilchrist $ 107.0  m Rs. 422 Cr

 
Chennai Super Kings India Cements (N.Srinivasan) Mahendra Singh Dhoni $ 91.90 m Rs. 359 Cr

Delhi Daredevils GMR Group Gautam Gambhir $ 84.0 m Rs. 331 Cr

Kings XI Punjab Ness Wadia, Preity Zinta, Mohit Burman , Gaurav Burman (Dabur), Karan Paul (Apeejay Surendera Group), Aditya and Arvind Khanna Kumar Sangakkara $ 76.0 m Rs. 300 Cr
Kolkata Knight Riders Red Chillies Entertainment (Shahrukh Khan, Gauri Khan, Juhi Chawla and Jai Mehta) Sourav Ganguly $ 75.1 m Rs. 296 Cr
Rajasthan Royals Emerging Media (Lachlan Murdoch, A.R Jha and co.), Shilpa Shetty, Raj Kundra, Suresh and Kavita Chellaram Shane Warne $ 67.0 m Rs. 264 Cr
Sahara Pune Warriors Sahara - $ 370.0 m Rs 1,702 Cr
Kochi Team Rendezvous Sports Limited - $ 333.0 m Rs 1,572 Cr

What has made it such a controversy this year? According to news sources the issue starts with key players like Lalit Modi and Sashi Tharoor.

Shashi Tharoor’s career in the United Nations began in 1978 as a staff member of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Geneva. From 1981 to 1984 he served at the UNHCR office in Singapore. In 1989 he was appointed as the Special Assistant to the Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations in New York. In 1997 Tharoor was appointed Director of Communications and Special Projects and as Executive Assistant to the Secretary-General Kofi Annan. In January 2001, he was appointed as the Under-Secretary-General for Communications and Public Information, and as the head of Department of Public Information (UNDPI). In this capacity, he was responsible for the communication strategy, enhancing the image and effectiveness of the UN. In 2003, the Secretary-General appointed him to the additional responsibility of United Nations Coordinator for Multilingualism and during his tenure at the UNDPI, Tharoor undertook a number of initiatives, ranging from organizing and conducting the first-ever UN seminar on anti-Semitism, the first-ever UN seminar on Islamophobia and launched an annual list of “Ten Under-Reported Stories the World Ought to Know About”

On 9 February 2007, Tharoor resigned from the post of UN Under-Secretary-General on and left the UN effective 1 April 2007.His political career in India began on March 2009.Shashi Tharoor contested the Indian General Elections in 2009 as Congress Party candidate from Thiruvananthapuram (Lok Sabha constituency) in Kerala Though criticized as an “elite outsider” he went on to win defeating his nearest CPI rival P. Ramachandran Nair by a margin of approximately 100,000 votes. Subsequently Shashi Tharoor was selected as Minister of State in the Council of Ministers of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. On 28 May 2009 he was sworn in as the Indian Minister of State for External Affairs.

Tharoor’s use of his political website (www.tharoor.in) and knowledge  in technologies like Twitter quickly earned him a celebrity status. He went on to become the first Indian celebrity to get 100,000 followers on Twitter.

On 18 April 2010 Tharoor resigned from his post as Minister of State for External Affairs after being instructed to do so by the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh over allegations of corruption and misuse of office to get a share in the IPL franchisee of Cochin.

News sources reveal that the whole episode began on April 12, 2010 when Lalit Modi, the Commissioner of the Indian Premier League exposed details of the stakeholders in the new Kochi IPL team that was sold in March 2010 for Rs 1530 crores.

Sunanda Pushkar, a close associate of Minister of State for External Affairs Shashi Tharoor, owned 18 per cent free equity of the franchise. One of the partners in the consortium was Rendezvous Sports World which was given 25 per cent of the franchise at no cost; of this 18 per cent, was gifted to Sunland, the balance was divided among three other members of Rendezvous. The battle between Lalit Modi and Shashi Tharoor continued to unfold publicly.

Tharoor reaffirmed in his press release that his role was more an advisory one   in the Kochi bid. He stated that Rendezvous included a numerous people, including Sunanda Pushkar, an acquaintance and many others.

Related Galleries
ICC vice president Sharad Pawar announced a meeting of the IPL governing council for next Monday, one week after Indian Junior Foreign Minister Shashi Tharoor quit because he allegedly was given a quarter share of the new Kochi franchise.

Tharoor helped put together a group of investors who last month bid more than $330 million to bring a team to Kochi, a port city in southern Kerala state, part of which he represents in parliament.
The bid was successful in the auction and the team was recruited in the competition, but the IPL chairman Lalit Modi raised questions why a 25 percent share was given to a group that included a friend of Tharoor’s. It is alleged the shares were a hidden gift for Tharoor.

But right after Tharoor’s resignation, former Railways Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav and several other lawmakers asked that Modi resign too. That is not an easy thing to happen   because as vice-president of the BCCI he has been instrumental in boosting its revenues, brokering television deals and sponsorship associations that could see it top the $1 billion mark in the next five years.

According to news sources Modi was controversial himself, as accusations of drug dealing and abduction while at university are attributed to him, but such claims were never proven.

Modi came up with the idea of a new Indian cricket league came 14 years ago, but resisted the involvement of the BBCI at that time, citing too many vested interested within India’s main cricketing body that would have spoiled his ideas, but being an astute financial wizard he did not ignore the monetary potential of Indian cricket and the IPL.

He graduated   from Duke University in the U.S., in sports management and returned to India to launch ESPN and 10 Sports.

Coming from a family that controls Modi Enterprise, an industrial conglomerate worth $1.5 billion, Modi admits his family were concerned that he was moving away from business and spending so much time with cricket while setting up the IPL.

Indian Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee said income tax authorities were investigating the sources and channels of funding for the team owners and he made a statement that nobody who is guilty of this misdemeanor would be spared. A ban was called on the IPL by many lawmakers.

Union Minister of State for External Affairs Shashi Tharoor, who has been in the eye of the  IPL  controversy   where he has been alleged to have been involved in the Kochi IPL cricket franchise bid  submitted his resignation.

In the second week of April 2010, Mr. Tharoor met the prime minister to present his side of the story over the controversy. Besides the prime minister, the meeting was attended by Congress president Sonia Gandhi, Home Minister P. Chidambaram, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Defence Minister A.K. Antony.

According to news sources an official statement from the Prime Minister’s Office said: “Dr. Shashi Tharoor, the Minister of State for External Affairs, has submitted his resignation from the Union Council of Ministers. The Prime Minister has sent his resignation to the President with the recommendation that it be accepted. President Pratibha Patil has accepted the resignation.”

Mr. Tharoor’s fate was sealed at a one-on-one meeting between Dr. Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi just before the meeting of the Core Group of senior Ministers.

The key players in the IPL controversy can be described as follows:

Shashi Tharoor: India’s junior foreign minister said he ‘mentored’ the Kochi franchise before the bidding process for new IPL teams last month. He said he was not having any financial gain from it, and insisted he only wanted to see an IPL team in Kerala. But when Modi disclosed the shareholding structure of the Kochi franchise, Tharoor’s close friend Sunanda Pushkar was revealed to have a stake. Allegations of conflict of interest followed, and the ensuing controversy forced him to tender his resignation.

A marketing professional based in Dubai, Sunanda Pushkar  was given a 4.7% stake which is estimated to be worth   approximately US$1.5 million – as sweat equity for her work in the franchise. It became an issue for her when Tharoor did not disclose it and – in her perception made her a media victim. She has apparently, according to news sources offered to return the stake, saying she wants no part of the IPL.

The brain behind the IPL is Lalit Modi. He is a powerful and successful entrepreneur, but things started unraveling for him once he disclosed the pattern of the Kochi franchise ownership. The face off with Shashi Tharoor put the spotlight on the IPL’s financial dealings, and the league’s offices were raided by tax men.

There were allegations of bribes by the Kochi franchise, of kickbacks in the reworked broadcast deal, Modi’s relatives owning stakes in several franchises, all of which led to a disagreement with several of his colleagues in the BCCI, ultimately leading to his suspension.

A group of businessmen who came together to bid for the Kochi franchise formed the Rendezvous Sports World. The BCCI president, Shashank Manohar and the man who is the front-runner to take over as interim IPL chairman after the dismissal of Modi. Unlike the high profile that Modi has maintained, Manohar is almost austere and inscrutable. A lawyer by profession, he mostly works from his hometown of Nagpur. He is a simple and disciplined person and has repeatedly turned down Modi’s pleas for the governing council meeting on Monday to be postponed, and his emails disagreeing with Modi over revealing ownership details of all franchises have been made public.

Many VIP Personalities like some movie stars and others have also been involved in the IPL controversy according to news sources. The BCCI top brass on Saturday held a series of meetings to draw up a strategy for Monday’s crucial Governing Council meeting amid intense speculation that beleaguered IPL commissioner Lalit Modi is being persuaded to step down voluntarily from the high-flying post. Shashi Tharoor, who quit from the union council of ministers over the IPL row, on Tuesday April 20, 2010 reportedly, insisted that he had done nothing unethical or illegal and has urged Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to probe the charges made against him.

April 25, 2010: Chennai Super Kings played a superb game to beat the Mumbai Indians by 22 runs to clinch the IPL season3 trophy. Suresh Raina was the man of the match.

M.S.Dhoni has achieved another milestone in his short career, it was he who started to turn the game in Chennai Super Kings favor when he came out to bat, his deputy Suresh Raina capitalized on two dropped catches to score a crucial fifty in the big IPL final to post 168/5 in their 20 overs. Chennai Super Kings is now the undisputed winners of IPL3.

The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) suspended Lalit Modi as Chairman of the Indian Premier League, and also perhaps as vice-president of the Board, under BCCI Rules and Regulations of 32 (vii) (misconduct and procedure to deal with), soon after the completion of the final match between the Mumbai Indians and Chennai Super Kings in Mumbai on Sunday night on 25.04.2010.

Earlier, Mr. Modi, who had challenged the authority of BCCI president Shashank Manohar for a week, decided to attend the extraordinary IPL Governing Council meeting at the Cricket Centre here on Monday. The IPL is a sub-committee of the BCCI.

On 26.04.2010 evening, a release from the IPL-engaged PR agency said: “The IPL Chairman & Commissioner, Lalit Modi, today circulated the notice informing members of the Governing Council of the Extraordinary Meeting to be held on April 26th, 2010, at the Headquarters of the Board of Control for Cricket in India. The Extraordinary Meeting of the Governing Council will be convened at 10 a.m.”

The release also said that the items on the agenda would be (1) discussion on any complaints received in writing from members of the Governing Council against the Chairman and (2) members of the Board of Control for Cricket in India. Furthermore, the release said the Governing Council members had been requested to give all complaints in writing with the requisite supporting documents at the meeting on the morning of April 26, 2010 to the Chairman and Commissioner, so that they can be replied in full.

BCCI secretary N. Srinivasan had mailed a press release informing that the IPL Council will meet at the Cricket Centre, Mumbai, at 10 a.m. on 26.04.2010 and that it will be followed by a media conference at 12 noon, the same day.

Mr. Modi had virtually defied Mr. Manohar’s request to convene an emergent meeting of the Council here on April 26. He had called it “unofficial” and that he does not “propose to attend any unauthorised meeting.” Soon after the Income Tax searches at the offices of the BCCI and IPL, Mr. Manohar wrote to Mr. Modi saying: “In view of the ongoing situation with regard to the functioning of the IPL and the various allegations levelled against the functioning of the IPL, it has become necessary to hold an Emergent Meeting of the Governing Council. Kindly issue a notice to all the Governing Council Members for a meeting on 26/04/10 at 10 a.m. at BCCI Headquarters immediately.”

The crucial IPL Governing Council meeting began Mumbai on 26.04.2010, barely hours after the BCCI suspended Lalit Modi as the Chairman and Commissioner of the high-profile Twenty20 event.

BCCI president Shashank Manohar, vice-President Arun Jaitley, secretary N Srinivasan, media and finance committee chairman Rajiv Shukla and IPL vice-chairman Niranjan Shah were among the members of the council present at the Board headquarters.

Mr. Modi was to chair the meeting before he was suspended and issued a show cause notice for alleged financial irregularities late last night. Mr. Modi has been asked to explain within 15 days why disciplinary action should not be taken against him for what the BCCI described as ‘individual misdemeanors’

“While we rejoice and celebrate the great success of IPL Season 3, the alleged acts of individual misdemeanors of Mr Lalit K Modi, Chairman IPL and Vice President BCCI have brought a bad name to the administration of Cricket and the game itself,” Mr. Manohar said in a press release which announced Mr. Modi’s suspension from the Board, IPL, the Working Committee and any other committee.

Due to this, Mr. Modi cannot participate in meeting that will go into the alleged financial wrong-doings in the IPL and how to set right things.

The IPL Governing Council also includes Punjab Cricket Association chief I S Bindra, BCCI treasurer M P Pandove, vice-President Chirayu Amin, joint secretary Sanjay Jagdale, J&K Cricket Association chief Farooq Abdullah and former India captains Ravi Shastri, Sunil Gavaskar and Mansoor Ali Khan Pataudi.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

******

Eyjafjallajokull – Volcanic Eruption in South Iceland

Friday, April 23rd, 2010

Jeyanthi

The ash clouds that swept Europe disrupted flights across the globe. What really happened? Find the complete story to help you prepare for competitive exams.

Iceland is located in the North Atlantic Ocean in between Greenland and Europe and is the 18th largest island in the world. The people of Iceland are descendents of Norwegian, Scottish, and Irish ancestry. As of today, Iceland has the world’s highest levels of economic and civil liberties and is ranked one of the top countries in terms of human development. Moreover, the country of Iceland has a literacy rate of ninety nine percent throughout the total population over the age of fifteen. Although the country is named Iceland, the weather there is relatively warm during the summers and the winters are considered mild.

The country of Iceland is slightly smaller than the state of Kentucky here in the United States. The physical geography of this European island consists of glaciers that account for ten percent of the total land. Also, the country has high mountains, elevated plateaus, and several active volcano sites. Records show that during the 7th century a volcano eruption wiped out almost half of the population. Iceland also has hot springs in the region, which is accompanied with steam holes, mud holes and sulphuric acid rain that seasonally scatter throughout the island.

Iceland, a nation of 320,000 people, is located geographically in a large volcanic region in the Atlantic’s mid-oceanic ridge. Volcanic eruptions are often triggered by seismic activity when the Earth’s plates move and magma which is molten rock beneath the surface of the Earth blasts its way to the surface.

The last time there was an eruption near the 100-square-mile Eyjafjallajokull glacier was in 1821. Another cause for concern is the volcano Katla which in the past has erupted in tandem with Eyjafjallajokull.This one is located under the Myrdalsjokull ice cap region and if this one also erupts widespread flooding could disrupt air traffic between Europe and N.America.

On April 15, 2010 the volcano near Eyjafjallajoekull glacier which is 200 years old and apparently been dormant began to erupt just after midnight, ejecting lava a hundred meters high.

Icelandic airspace has been closed, flights diverted and roads closed. The eruption occurred about 120km (75 miles) east of the capital, Reykjavik. The volcano started erupting small, jagged pieces of rocks, minerals and volcanic glass the size of sand and silt into the atmosphere, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. This volcanic ash was even considered to be as small as 1/25,000th of an inch across.

Volcanic ash is formed during explosive volcanic eruptions. Once in the air, the wind can blow these tiny ash particles tens to thousands of miles away from the volcano. Life-threatening and costly damages can occur to aircraft that fly through an eruption cloud, reports the geological survey.

Silica in the ash gets into the engine and heats up and melts, which causes the engines to stop. Based on reported damages from ash encounters, the hazard posed to aircraft can extend more than 3,000 miles from an erupting volcano. It’s Katla, Iceland’s louder neighbor, which causes concern. If lava flowing from Eyjafjallajokull melts the glaciers that hold down the top of Katla, this could cause Katla to erupt, pumping huge amounts of ash into the atmosphere.

The potential eruption of Iceland’s volcano Katla could send the world, including the USA, into an extended deep freeze. The eruption in the Eyjafjallajoekull area is the second to occur in a month. Volcanic ash contains tiny particles of rock and even glass, which can wreak havoc with machinery while ash can is a health hazard.

The ash is likely to lead to particularly red sunsets in some areas, according to scientists. A state of emergency is in force in southern Iceland and transport connections have been severely disrupted according to news reports.

According to news reports the weeklong airspace closures caused by the ash threat to aircraft represented the worst breakdown in civil aviation in Europe since World War II. This led to the cancellations of more than 100,000 flights, with airlines on track to lose over $2 billion.

The aviation crisis that began with an April 14 volcanic explosion left millions of passengers stranded in airports, and the uncoordinated closures of airspace by national governments sparked calls a the wholesale reform of Europe’s air traffic management system.

European airports sent thousands of planes into the sky after a week of unprecedented disruptions, but shifting winds sent a new plume of volcanic ash over Scandinavia, forcing some airports in Norway and Sweden to close again.

The new airspace restrictions applied to northern Scotland and parts of southern Norway, Sweden and Finland, said Kyla Evans, spokeswoman for Eurocontrol, the European air traffic agency.

But nearly all of the continent’s 28,000 other scheduled flights, including more than 300 flights on lucrative trans-Atlantic routes, were expected to proceed. Every plane was packed, however, as airlines squeezed in some of the hundreds of thousands of travelers who had been stranded for days among passengers with regular scheduled tickets.

Airlines reported that there was no fast solution to cut down the backlog of passengers, for most flights were nearly full, and no other planes were available.

Some passengers got a break when authorities chartered the Celebrity Eclipse, a luxury cruise ship to pick up 2,200 tourists in the northern Spanish port of Bilbao on Thursday and bring them back to England. A British Royal Navy ship arrived in Portsmouth carrying 440 troops coming home from Afghanistan and 280 civilians back from Bilbao.

Several air planes flying between the United States and Europe were assigned flight paths above the ash cloud that still covered the area east of Iceland. Flying at over 35,000 feet kept the planes well above the current maximum altitude of the ash, which lingered at 20,000 feet.

Meanwhile, new ash clouds were blowing in over western Norway, where Stavanger and Bergen airports were closed.

Though NATO took the precaution of moving its Boeing E-3A early warning radar planes to southern Italy, military aviation was also partially impacted.

Update as of April 22, 2010

Travel-weary airline passengers began their long-awaited journey home as flights grounded by Iceland’s volcanic eruption took to the skies again.

Thousands of planes took off across Europe for the first time in six days. Officials were still struggling to manage the backlog of stranded vacationers – and warned it could take several weeks for some routes to resume normal schedules.  Air controllers lifted all restrictions on German airspace on Wednesday April 21, 2010, opening up more flights into one of the world’s busiest airports.

Airlines announced they had lost at least $1.7 billion and criticized government actions during the volcanic ash crisis, according to news sources. Flights resumed in many areas, but the situation was anything but normal as airlines worked through an enormous backlog after canceling over 95,000 flights in the last week.

Euro-control which is the Air traffic control agency said it expected at least 15,000 of the continent’s 28,000 flights to go ahead Wednesday April 21 2010, across Europe, and possibly much more but there could still be severe delays across the globe.

It’s ash again over European skies

In a replay of last April, 2010’s travel chaos, hundreds of passengers had their travel plans disrupted on 16.05.2010 after a number of major airports across the U.K. were closed because of renewed threat from Icelandic volcanic ash that caused such havoc to international air travel last April, 2010.

Air space over much of England, Ireland and parts of Scotland was closed intermittently and the disruption was likely to continue for at least another two days. Passengers were asked to check with airlines before heading for airport.

The worst-affected was Northern Ireland where all the three airports — Belfast International, George Best Belfast City Airport and City of Derry Airport — were closed for varying hours.

London airports, including Heathrow and Gatwick, functioned normally but the authorities were keeping their fingers crossed amid warnings that the ash cloud could hit the London airspace by 18.05.2010.

Transport Secretary Philip Hammond described the situation as “fluid” and said the passengers’ safety was the foremost priority though some airlines called the ban and over-reaction.

In England, nearly half-a-dozen airports were shut. These included East Midlands, Manchester, Liverpool, Doncaster, Humberside and Carlisle airports.

In the Irish Republic, Donegal, Sligo and Ireland West airports were affected. The Met Office warned that the ash cloud could spread to other areas over the next 24 hours. A spokesman of the National Air Traffic Authority said: “Unfortunately, yet again, a mixture of volcanic activity and weather systems have conspired to bring a cloud of ash down towards the UK.”

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

*****

2010 Commonwealth Games in India

Thursday, April 22nd, 2010

If you’re preparing for Civil Services exams or any competitive exam, this report on 2010 Common Wealth Games can’t be missed.

The Commonwealth Games is a multinational, multi-sport event. Held every four years, it involves the elite athletes of the Commonwealth of Nations. Attendance at the Commonwealth Games is typically around 5,000 athletes. The Commonwealth Games Federation (CGF) is the organization that is responsible for the direction and control of the Commonwealth Games.

The first such event, then known as the British Empire Games, was held in 1930 in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. The name changed to British Empire and Commonwealth Games in 1954, to British Commonwealth Games in 1970 and assumed the current name of the Commonwealth Games in 1978.

As well as many Olympic sports, the Games also include some sports that are played mainly in Commonwealth countries, such as lawn bowls, rugby sevens and netball.

There are currently 53 members of the Commonwealth of Nations, and 71 teams participate in the Games. The four constituent countries of the United Kingdom – England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – send separate teams to the Commonwealth Games (unlike at the Olympic Games, where the United Kingdom sends a single team), and individual teams are also sent from the British Crown dependencies – Guernsey, Jersey and the Isle of Man – and many of the British overseas territories. The Australian external territory of Norfolk Island also sends its own team, as do the Cook Islands and Niue, two states in free association with New Zealand.

Only six teams have attended every Commonwealth Games: Australia, Canada, England, New Zealand, Scotland and Wales. Australia has been the highest scoring team for ten games, England for seven and Canada for one.

At the 1930 games, women competed in Swimming and Diving only. From 1934, women also competed in some Athletics events.

The next edition is going to held in 2010 in Delhi, India. In 2014 the Games will be held in Glasgow, Scotland.

2010 Commonwealth Games

The 2010 Commonwealth Games are the nineteenth edition of the Commonwealth Games, and the ninth to be held under that name. The Games are scheduled to be held in New Delhi, India between 3 October and 14 October 2010. The games will be the largest multi-sport event conducted to date in Delhi and India generally, which has previously hosted the Asian Games in 1951 and 1982. The opening ceremony is scheduled to take place at the Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium, Delhi. It will also be the first time the Commonwealth Games will be held in India and the second time the event has been held in Asia (after 1998).

In addition to the Commonwealth Games, the city of Pune, India hosted the 3rd Commonwealth Youth Games between October 12 and 18, 2008. The Youth Games offered nine sports: athletics, badminton, boxing, shooting, swimming, table tennis, tennis, weightlifting and wrestling.

Benefits:

Infrastructure

Delhi already has many international features of a modern and well-planned city. However, to get ready for the huge influx of tourists visiting Delhi during the Games, the Government of India has taken many steps to improve the city. This includes city beautification, transportation development, upgrading of many old structures etc.

Transport

Delhi proposed a four-lane, 2.2 km underground stretch from Lodhi Road to trans-Yamuna, linking the Games Village to the Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium and reducing traveling time for athletes traveling between the Village and the Stadium.

In response to concerns over the large number of trains that pass by the Delhi metropolitan region daily, construction of road under-bridges and over-bridges along railway lines has been started.

To expand road infrastructure, flyovers, cloverleaf flyovers, and bridges have been planned to provide connectivity to the Games Village, to sports venues, to hospitals, and for intra-city connectivity. Road-widening projects have been under process, with an emphasis being placed on expanding national highways. To improve traffic flow on existing road, plans are underway to make both the inner and outer Ring roads signal free.

To support its commitment to mass transport, nine corridors have been identified and are being constructed as High Capacity Bus Systems.

Additionally, the Delhi Metro will be expanded to accommodate more people and boost the use of public transport during the 2010 games. By then it will have the second longest network in the world and later the longest, which will be more than 420 km.

To further support air travel, the Indira Gandhi International Airport is being modernized, expanded, and upgraded. By the 2010 games, a new terminal (Terminal 3) will have been constructed at a cost of nearly US$ 1.94 billion, with the capability to cater to more than 37 million passengers a year by 2010 and the planned expansion program will increase its capacity to handle 100 million passengers by 2030. Terminal 3 will be a two tier building, with the bottom floor being the arrivals area, and the top being a departures area. This terminal will have over 130 check in counters, 55 aerobridges, 30 parking bays, 72 immigration counters, 15 X-ray screening areas, duty free shops, and much more. The airport will also have a new runway to cater more than 75 plus flights an hour; the runway will be more than 4400 meters long and one of Asia’s longest. The entire airport will be connected to the city via a 6 lane highway ( National Highway-8  ) and the Delhi Metro.

Tourism

The true impact of the Commonwealth Games on tourism, scheduled for October 2010, can be judged better if one is to look at the various possibilities for marketing, advertising, educating and introducing a new India for the sportspersons, their entourage and other global visitors to the country. Knowing this definite time frame for the CWG taking place, the tourism and other related ministries get a chance to develop some public-private demonstration projects as a show-case for domestic, regional and international cities. What makes the CWG so important in sporting events and a coup for Indian economy and hospitality sector and its sister branch, tourism segment, is that the Olympic and Commonwealth Games are the second largest sports events held in modern times. Other cities that have hosted the CWG have recorded major spurt in tourism since their chance at this excellent reason for global travelers to come together in a spirit of competition, learning and life experiences while also giving the countries a chance to present a newer, vibrant youth-appeal to their land. The examples for this kind of cultural showcasing and effective gift-wrapping of sectors of interest like tourism-be it adventure, spa or spirituality- can be seen from the earlier hosts of world sporting events: Beijing, China and Barcelona, Spain benefited from hosting the Olympics while Manchester, UK and Melbourne, Australia received greater tourist inflow during and after playing host to CWG 2002 and 2006, respectively.

State-of-art technology deployments will help in ensuring world-class management of Delhi city during the event and also leave a sure, culturally strong imprint as valuable legacy of classy Indian hospitality on visitors to the CWG Delhi, 2010 while major economic boost from the CWG will raise tourism opportunities for our country, if basic amenities and modern tourist needs are kept in mind while formulating and promoting specialized tourism sectors.

The CWG Delhi, 2010 can well prove to be a catalyst for major investment in the country’s sporting, social and environmental fabric since it will effect the tourism sector directly as well as indirectly.

Eco-tourism and total wellness packages including ancient exercise and relaxation, toning, breathing and strengthening routines are likely choices that guarantee global tourist interest and are bound to be crowd-pullers during CWG. While earlier host nations of CWG directed their tourism budget towards raising standards of basic and luxury amenities, including novelty factor for tourists and sportspersons, other areas of redevelopment covered bridge and road links to and from the host city to neighboring regions and specialty tourism spots. These can be developed as mini-villages offering bountiful shopping, eating, local customs, drama and theatre, music, dance and associated learning and living experiences that are essentially Indian, therefore attractive to outsiders. Planting of trees, arranging meetings with trained-up volunteers assisting local community/youth/social service and cultural awareness groups and events and such like are likely to generate almost 13,600 full time equivalent jobs created from the Games. Naturally then, the expected economic return will be higher than before thanks to the impact of the Common Wealth Games on Tourism and the higher number of international tourists.

Other benefits

In addition to physical preparation, India and Delhi will be offering a myriad of amenities to all athletes. These include traditional Commonwealth Games services, such as free accommodation for all athletes, a modern, comfortable Games Village, cutting-edge health facilities, security, a pollution-free environment, entertainment for non-competition times, transportation, and other, unique amenities as well. Delhi will also be offering all athletes a free trip to the famed Taj Mahal and will provide a reserved lane for participants on selected highways.

The Delhi High Court is also set to implement a series of “mobile courts” to be dispatched throughout Delhi to relocate migrant beggars from Delhi streets. The mobile courts would consider each beggar on a case-by-case basis to determine whether the beggar should be sent back to his/her state of residence, or be permitted to remain in government-shelters.

In preparation for a rush of English-speaking tourists for the Games, the Delhi government is implementing a program to teach English to low-income individuals who will have a high-frequency of contact with tourists. This subset includes city cab drivers, waiters, gatemen, and service staff. Over the past two years, the city has successfully taught 2,000 drivers English, and is continuing the program to reach as many as possible before the Games. The city plans to teach 1,000 people English per month, and hopes to reach everyone necessary by March 2009. In addition to Delhi, the Indian Government plans to expand the program to teach people in local tourist destinations, including Agra and Mathura in Uttar Pradesh, Bhopal and Gwalior in Madhya Pradesh, Gaya in Bihar and Puri in Orissa.

October, 2010 will see the Commonwealth Games take place in New Delhi. It surely would be a spectacular event with very grand opening and closing ceremonies and dazzling sporting action . But the big question is whether our country can afford such an extravagant venture and how the event is going to affect the sporting scene of the country.

In 1982, we proudly hosted the Asian Games. The event was considered by many as a huge success. Huge money was spent on sporting infra structure and other facilities. Does the average sporting loving Indian have access to any of those facilities? Have the Sport Authority of India done anything to maximise the utility of the facilities? Did the holding of the events throw up fresh enthusiasm for athletics and other such sporting disciplines?

We have had a few great sporting icons like Milkha Singh, P T Usha, Shiny Abraham Anju Bobby George, Prakash Padukone, Gopichand and more recently Abhinav Bindra and the boxers . All these champions have come through in spite of the system.

Sad to say that Milkha Singh’s record of the1960 still stands for the 400 meters. While World Records are tumbling all the time, Indian athletics records have not changed very much.

Whether Delhi is fit for Commonwealth Games

Delhi, which is to host the games in October, next year, is a complete mess. Almost every major road is dug up or blocked, either for Metro or flyover construction, and others that are not affected by games-related construction can thank substandard material used in road building for giving the entire city a uniform experience. Even calling it a disgrace is an understatement.

And this is just the roads and other networks that are basically required to get to the venues where the events would take place, but what about the venues themselves? By all available reports (CGF says 13 of 19 venues are between 30% and 50% behind schedule), they are so far behind schedule that some of them may be a disaster in the making if rushed through.

A lot of people have argued that it was the same in 1982, prior to the Asian Games, but things still turned out remarkably well. Because there was a gentleman called Rajiv Gandhi, who had involved himself fully in the project and the famous Indian babudom and red tape was made ineffective. And in the 27 years since then, our love for mediocrity, and corruption, has only increased, so the quality of these structures being created is best left unsaid.

And in the 27 years since then, our love for mediocrity, and corruption, has only increased, so the quality of these structures built for Asian games being is best left unsaid.

Commonwealth Games: Is it poised to take off in time?

Commonwealth officials are panicking over the slow pace of work and wondering aloud whether the games will take off. A smug Indian official in charge says there is nothing to worry about. All will be fine, he says, and the games will be among the finest ever. The subtext of his message: this is the Indian way of doing things, silly. The stadiums will be eventually built, and we will have a jolly good Games. We are like this only. And sab chalta hain (everything goes), another of our favourite alibis.

But this time the bluff may be called sooner. There is little doubt that India has approached its first major international sports event in nearly three decades with characteristic lack of planning. A report by the federal government’s own auditing arm says work on 13 of the 19 sports venues is behind schedule. There aren’t enough hotel rooms yet to house guests – another government estimate reckon that only 35% of the additional hotel rooms planned for the games will be completed in time. Commonwealth Games Federation chief Mike Fennell is skittish: he wants to meet the PM now for an assurance that the games will held in time. In an internal note, the Commonwealth Games Association of Canada says in desperation: “Verbal assurances [from Indian officials] are no longer sufficient.” A telling comment comes from a foreign engineer who is working at an unfinished stadium site. “The people over here are very careless and the mentality is very lazy,” he says. “If one person works, the other five want to just stand around him and watch. They all waste time.”

The games village is being built on a controversial environmentally sensitive site – the banks of a dying river which skirts the capital. The less said about the infrastructure, the better. The games, according to its website, will leave behind “a city much more beautiful and charming that it currently is”. It talks about how a colonial city centre has been “given a new façade and is experiencing a resurgence”, and how the city’s monuments are being “cleaned and revitalized”.

But the facts are that if it rains during the event, Delhi’s roads will overflow with water and sewage or cave in. If there is a gale, electricity lines will snap, trees will fall and block the roads, and roofs will fly. The organisers must have been delusional to award the games to a city with such utterly shambolic infrastructure. Also, since there will be no separate lanes for the venues-bound traffic, I see huge gridlocks, and traffic being stopped to let the games traffic pass. Slums are expected to fenced off with bamboo, and beggars are to be rounded up. The 12-day, 17-discipline sporting event is all set to become the biggest nightmare for Delhi’s denizens.

Already workers have died at the construction sites, and human rights groups are up in arms about how workers at venues are being underpaid and have flimsy security. I spotted a picture where women workers wore tatty rubber sandals at a site where the signage indicates they should be wearing boots. It’s the same old story – apart from a few shining exceptions like the Delhi Metro- of brazen disregard for basic safety norms, woeful planning and exploitative contractors. And we have revulsion for real change. We remember how an indoor stadium roof leaked in the monsoon rains and players quit wet tables when the world table tennis championship opened in Calcutta decades ago. We remember how we sat on drying paint at an upgraded cricket stadium and endured its stinking, overflowing rest rooms to watch an international game.

The Queen’s Baton

The Queen’s Baton received a grand welcome on entering India from Pakistan, through the Attari-Wagah border, on 25.06.2010 marking the 100-day countdown to the Commonwealth Games, 2010 in Delhi.

Pakistan Olympic Association president Syed Arif Hassan handed over the baton to Indian counterpart and Commonwealth Games organising committee (OC) chairman Suresh Kalmadi, as thousands of people on both sides of the border celebrated the occasion with great fanfare.

The celebration began with school children from either side exchanging messages of peace through an initiative named Aman ki Asha.

Folk artistes from Punjab, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh performed to set the mood for the occasion, while Amritsar’s famous Wadali brothers and well-known Pakistani vocalist Rahat Fateh Ali Khan enthralled the audience with their soulful renderings to celebrate the arrival of the Queen’s baton to the host country.

Commonwealth Games Federation (CGF) president Mike Fennell’s support came as a boost for Mr. Kalmadi and company, as the OC has been racing against time to put everything in place for the Games. “The OC is working day and night to make the Commonwealth Games a good celebration,” Mr. Fennell said.

The dignitaries present at the event included Punjab Governor Shivraj Patil, Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, Union Minister of State for External Affairs Preneet Kaur, Union Minister of State for Communications and Information Technology Gurudas Kamat, Union Sports Ministry secretary Sindhushree Khullar and Pakistan’s Punjab province Governor Salmaan Taseer.

Spontaneous cheering erupted when Olympic bronze winning boxer Vijender Singh and four-time world champion boxer M.C. Mary Kom started a joint-relay with the baton.

The baton, which has toured 69 Commonwealth nations so far, was taken out in procession to the Golden Temple and Durgiana temple before being kept at the Company Bagh in Amritsar for public display.

The baton, accompanied by a battery of 80 people, will cover 20,000 km during its relay through 28 States and seven Union Territories before reaching Delhi on September 30, 2010. The journey will culminate with the baton entering the Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium, venue of the Games’ opening ceremony, on October 3, 2010.

By the time it arrives at the opening ceremony, it would have travelled more than 1,90,000 km over 340 days, making it one of the longest relays in the history of the Games.

Street lighting fraud: CBI registers first case of corruption

The CBI, on 2.08.2010, has registered the first case of corruption relating to Commonwealth Games (CWG), against five MCD officials and the managing director of a private firm for causing a loss of Rs 3.62 crore to the government. The charges include corruption, misuse of official position, manipulation of tender documents and inflating costs in an Rs 345 crore projects for upgrading streetlights along 101.56 km of Delhi’s roads ahead of the Commonwealth Games. The FIR was lodged at the behest of the Central Vigilance Commission, which has found irregularities in 15 Games-related projects.

On February 12, 2010, the CVC asked the CBI to investigate the case after its Chief Technical Examiner’s (CTE) wing found large-scale manipulations and tampering of bid documents to favour a Delhi-based firm, M/s Sweka Engineering Works Pvt Ltd. The CVC, which probed the case in October 2009, concluded that the MCD officials colluded with the private firm and caused a loss of Rs 3.62 crore to the government.

It was also found that the rates of some items and discounts offered by the firm were tampered with in the documents after the bids were opened, either by canceling by hand or by overwriting.

After preliminary inquiries, the CBI has booked the firm’s managing director T. P. Singh, and five MCD officials — D. K. Shagun and O. P. Mahla (both superintending engineers) and other officials including Pradeep Rawat, Rajiv V, Gurcharan Singh and Bharat Singh. “The loss to the government could be even higher than it seems now,” a government source said.

Medals for 2010 Commonwealth Games unveiled – 9.08.2010

The Organising Committee of the 2010 Commonwealth Games 9.08.2010 unveiled the victory medals for XIX Commonwealth Games 2010 Delhi. The medals for Delhi 2010 are a product of excellence and reflect the spirit of the Commonwealth Games 2010 Delhi, a testament to brilliance and success of the athletes.

The medal design is clean and simple and the dominant form that gives it dynamism is a rising upward spiral that starts taking shape from the plain textured base, gradually becoming the highlight of the medal. The front of the medal has the Commonwealth Games 2010 Delhi logo and dates. The back has the emblem of the Commonwealth Games Federation.

The medal is 6 mm thick with a diameter of 63.5 mm. The signature element’s starting fin is raised by 1 mm and it rises up to 3 mm on the last fin. The embossed logo and date is raised by 1mm.

OC CWG Delhi 2010 has ordered a total of 1,408 medals, which includes multiple medals for team events. The cost of producing each gold medal is Rs 5,539, while every silver medal costs Rs 4,818 and a bronze medal Rs 4,529. The total cost of producing these medals is Rs 81, 08,566 including the price of the boxes and lanyards.

Dream Dare Win

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Indian Cryogenic Engine Failure

Wednesday, April 21st, 2010

A comprehensive report on the cryogenic engine launch in India, to help you understand this space program that has enormous implications for our progress.

April 16, 2010 was a significant day for India. It was the day India launched its first domestically built cryogenic engine recently from Sriharikota. India is an emerging space power and has been designing and building rockets for an ambitious space program. But the stars were in not in India’s favour. The rocket launch using a domestically built cryogenic engine recently from Sriharikota in southern India was an attempt to demonstrate India’s mastery of a complex technology. The technology of Cryogenic engines are rocket motors designed for fuels that have to be maintained  at very low temperatures to   make it possible for  launching  heavy satellites into space. To the disappointment of hopeful Indian scientists the rocket veered off its path eight minutes after takeoff and plunged into the Bay of Bengal.

The failed attempt of India’s ambitious venture to master a technology needed to launch heavy satellites into space could create a setback for the country’s hopes of getting a bigger share in the multi -billion dollar global satellite launch arena, according to news sources. According to news sources, the chairman of the Indian Space Research Organization, K. Radhakrishnan said that the rocket, when it started tumbling indicated loss of control in the vehicle. But this will not deter Indian scientists from continuing their efforts in perfecting the technology in the next one year. India has spent nearly 20 years on the development of the cryogenic engine model. This restricted technology has so far been the possession of nations like Russia, United States of America, France, Japan and China.
India got an entry in the lucrative market of the several billion dollar commercial space satellite launch business, when it launched a small Italian satellite into space in 2007.  But the dependence of India on cryogenic engines that are Russian- made has impeded India’s growth in the technology, and motivated Indian scientists to independently develop the said technology. The goal of space scientists of India is to offer satellite launch services at more economically lower priced rates as compared to nations of the West. By doing so, according to news sources India hopes to expand this business to nearly $120 dollars annually. The cryogenic program, which scientists have been working on since 1994, cost around Rs.335 crore.

In Thiruvanandapuram, the Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre and the Liquid System Propulsion System in Mahendragiri led this project. The GSAT-4 mission, a 2,200 kg experimental satellite, carries a navigation payload that offers navigation possibilities that are improved for civil aircraft as well. The ISRO is collaborating with the Airports Authority of India with Gagan, the GPS-aided navigation system. A noteworthy experiment on the mission is the utilization of a regenerative transponder payload that operates using the advanced Ka frequency band, which scientists say is an advance in the field of communications technology since it enables smaller ground terminals at the user end and will aid in increasing productivity of existing resources, according to news reports.

Cryogenic technology involves the use of rocket propellants at extremely low temperatures. The combination of liquid oxygen and liquid hydrogen offers the highest energy efficiency for rocket engines that need to produce large amounts of thrust. But oxygen remains a liquid only at temperatures below minus 1830 Celsius and hydrogen at below minus 2530CelsiusTo build a rocket engine like that   runs on such propellants means overcoming engineering challenges. USA pioneered the development of cryogenic engines and their Centaur upper stage, equipped with RL-10 engines successfully flew their first flight in 1963.It is still used on the Atlas V rocket.

The J-2 engine that powered the upper stages of the powerful Saturn V rocket that put humans on the Moon was accomplished because of America’s mastery of the cryogenic technology. ISRO recognized the importance of cryogenic technology fairly early. Other nations like Russia, Japan, China and France did similar launches. In December 1982, six months after the PSLV project was cleared, a Cryogenic Study Team was started, but the ISRO went through a long period of trying to decide on whether to buy the technology or develop it independently. Getting the technology from other nations would greatly reduce the time that would otherwise be needed was a case in point.U.S, France and Japan reportedly could not provide the technology to India because of the high cost. At last, in January 1991, India signed a deal with Glavkosmos, a Russian manufacturer to purchase two cryogenic flight stages and the technology needed to make them in India. The 11D56 cryogenic engine had been developed for one of the upper stages of the mammoth N1 rocket, the Soviet equivalent of Saturn V. But after four launch failures in succession, the N1 project was shelved.  News sources say that according, to the Indo-Soviet deal; ISRO would get a stage built around the 11D56 cryogenic engine that could produce 7.5 tonnes of thrust. The stage would carry 12 tonnes of propellant, but later Russia backed away from the deal since the said deal was a violation of the Missile Technology Control Regime.

April 1994

Thus the ISRO decided to develop the technology independently. The Indian cryogenic engine is produced by Godrej and the Hyderabad-based MTAR Technologies working together as a team industry, the early prototypes were built by them as opposed to the ISRO initially mastering and then transferring the technology. The space agency had to make sure that these companies succeeded because failure was no option.

April 15, 2010

According to news sources, the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) eagerly anticipated this flight as for the first time it was flying a GSLV with its own cryogenic engine. The Mission Control Centre at the Sriharikota spaceport was down in the doldrums as realization of the failed mission set in.  For more than 17 years the ISRO had labored hard to develop its own cryogenic engine. The earlier five GSLV flights from 2001 to 2007 were powered by Russian cryogenic engines.  According to news sources ISRO Chairman K. Radhakrishnan told reporters, that the team was not sure if the cryogenic main engine successfully ignited and that after examining   different parameters that were monitored during the flight they would confirm if the engine did ignite at all. The vehicle tumbled indicating loss of its control and altitude which led to it splashing into the sea.

The failure of the GSLV-D3 mission will not have an impact on The Chandrayaan-2 mission which is set for 2013. According to the ISRO’s plans, a GSLV powered by an indigenous cryogenic engine will put Chandrayaan-2 in orbit. The GSLV-D3 mission had three objectives:

  • To develop and launch an indigenous cryogenic stage with the engine and associated systems.
  • To evaluate the performance of the indigenous cryogenic stage and engine.
  • To launch the communication satellite GSAT-4 into orbit.

Of these three goals only the first objective seems to have been realized, as observed by the ISRO Chairman, K.Radhakrishnan.

Cryogenic technology is the most complex of all types of rocket propulsion. France and the U.S. had also met with failures in using cryogenic engines. According to Mr.Ramakrishnan, Director (Projects), Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre, Thiruvanandapuram failures in cryogenic technology are not unusual because it is difficult to test the cryogenic engine even on the ground. Though it is disappointing he said India will keep trying, according to news reports.

Detailed investigations and analysis of the flight data are being carried out to find out the exact reasons for the failure and to take corrective steps to realize the next flight test of the indigenous Cryogenic Engine and Stage within the next one year.

Dream Dare Win

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Mullaperiyar Dam Controversy

Monday, April 19th, 2010

The Mullaperiyar Dam has been a bone of contention between the TN and Kerala Governments. We trace the history of this controversy. Read the report to understand this issue.

Mullaperiyar Dam is constructed over the source of the Periyar River in Kerala, India. During the rule of the British in India a 999-year lease was made and accordingly, the Government of Tamil Nadu has been operating the dam. The Periyar National Park is located around the backwaters of this dam. The dam was built by British under the supervision of Benny Cook.  The dam’s purpose was to divert the waters of the west-flowing Periyar River eastwards, since it caused widespread floods in the Travancore region, by constructing a masonry dam and diverting the water from the reservoir by way of a tunnel across the watershed and the Western Ghats to the rain shadow region of the Theni Sivaganga District and Ramanathapuram districts of Tamil Nadu. The lease provided the British the rights over “all the waters” of the Mullaperiyar and its catchments, for an annual rent of Rs. 40,000. About 60,000 ha in Theni, Madurai, Sivaganga, Ramanathapuram, and Dindigul districts in present day Tamil Nadu were intended as beneficiaries of irrigation waters from Mullaperiyar. Water is brought through a 1.6 km long tunnel till the Tamil Nadu-Kerala border and then flows through open canals to Churuliyar river which feeds the Vaigai dam in Tamil Nadu. From there a network of canals take the water to the fields.

The dam’s reservoir level is the bone of contention between the Kerala and Tamil Nadu governments. Since 1970, Kerala has argued that the dam having outlived its life of 50 years is unsafe to maintain water at 46.3 metres—the full reservoir level—and it should be restricted to 41.45 metres. In 1979, the Central Water Commission (cwc)— the premier government agency dealing with dam safety—was asked to look into the matter; it suggested reduction of water level to 41.45 metres as an emergency measure along with other measures to strengthen the dam. Tamil Nadu agreed to this limit. Another committee headed by the then cwc chairperson B K Mittal was appointed in 2001 to look into the matter. It stated that the reservoir level be raised to 43.28 metres, after the strengthening measures were implemented. This was to be on an interim basis, and later reservoir levels could go up to the original level of 46.3 metres.

The government of Tamil Nadu has proposed an increase in the storage level of the dam from the currently maintained 136 feet to 142 feet. The Kerala government has opposed this move, citing safety concerns for the more than hundred year old bridge and especially for the thickly populated districts downstream.

Kerala claims that the agreement was forced on the then princely State of Travancore presently, part of Kerala, but the pact was validated yet again in 1970 by Kerala and Tamil Nadu.

Kerala and Tamil Nadu have been arguing about the Mullaperiyar dam built under a co-signed agreement in 1886 between the Maharaja of Travancore and the British authorities. The dam, which is located in the Idukki district of Kerala , serves the districts of Tamil Nadu which  in recent years, has  made demands  that the storage capacity of the dam be increased from 136 feet (41.5 m) to 142 feet (43 m) to meet the rising demand of water needed for irrigation. However, Kerala is asking for the construction of a new dam saying that the existing structure had outlived its safety and longevity. Tamil Nadu, insists that raising water levels in Mullaperiyar’s reservoir is necessary to irrigate large tracts in the state.

In 1998, all Mullaperiyar-related cases were transferred to the Supreme Court which, in its order of February 2006, observed that the dispute is not a ‘water dispute’. It allowed raising the reservoir level to 43.28 metres and directed Tamil Nadu to carry out the strengthening measures suggested by cwc, and restrained Kerala from causing any obstruction.

In March 2006 Kerala’s Legislative Assembly passed the Kerala Irrigation and Water Conservation Amendment Act, 2006. The amendment empowered Kerala’s Dam Safety Authority (kdsa)— a body mandated in 2003 by the original Kerala Irrigation and Water Conservation Act—to evaluate safety of all dams in the state. It also has the power to advise the government to suspend the functioning or to decommission a dam if public safety demanded. Twenty two dams constructed during 1895-1963 including the Mullaperiyar dam were brought under kdsa’s jurisdiction. 41.45 metres was fixed as safe height for Mullaperiyar’s reservoir. Tamil Nadu took the matter back to the Supreme Court. It filed a petition on March 31, 2006 to declare the Kerala act as unconstitutional.

In July 2009, the Kerala  government  has claimed  that with the  building  of a new dam, 1,300 feet downstream of the present Mullaperiyar reservoir,  the safety of  the people  of Kerala can be a assured  from the existing high-risk structure, which can fail at  any time , endangering lives, according to news sources.

A detailed report of this issue had been presented to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seeking sanction for decommissioning of the existing dam and building a new one in its place.

In October 2009, the Chief Minister of Kerala V.S. Achuthanandan requested Tamil Nadu to be in agreement with its demand for a new dam at Mullaperiyar as the present one had become obsolete. According to news sources, he supported his stand by claiming that a recent study by IIT, Roorkee had discovered that the dam would collapse if  at any time an earthquake measuring 6.5 on the Richter scale happened and that  nearly forty lakh people who were fearfully anticipating this  have to be reassured by allowing the new dam to be built.

But the beginning of 2010 saw Tamil Nadu once again rejecting the idea of constructing the new dam over the Periyar River. Kerala though seemed sure that it has every reason to be successful in its demand for a new dam because in 1979 the proposal had been cleared for approval by the Centre. This, according to them was agreed upon by Tamil Nadu which they claim took a step back later.

In Feb 2010, the Chief Minister of Kerala applauded the Supreme Court ruling demanding a review of the safety aspect of the Mullaperiyar. The apex court appointed a senior committee to study the safety of the dam, discuss increasing its water level above 136 feet and evaluate Kerala’s demand for a new dam. The Supreme Court appointed former chief justice of India A.S. Anand as the chairperson of a techno-legal panel formed to examine the strength and capacity of the more than a century old Mullaperiyar dam in Kerala.

In March 2010, according to news sources , Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi  said that Tamil Nadu would never give up its rights over the Mullaperiyar dam  since that would  create problems for farmers in that  area.

People in Kerala feel that the 1886 deed should not be continued since it was forced upon the Travancore ruler. In 1970, Kerala did revise the original deed and got fishing rights. It also increased the rent to Rs 30 an acre (0.4 ha) from Rs 5, but water remained free for Tamil Nadu.

People in Tamil Nadu argue that Kerala is eyeing extra water from the Mullaperiyar reservoir to generate electricity. Power generation at the Idukki reservoir, downstream of the Mullaperiyar dam will come to a halt if the reservoir level is increased from 41.45 metres to 46.3 metres, Sadasivan points out. The Kerala government, however, maintains that the Idukki project was designed after discounting the 46.3 metres water storage in the Mullaperiyar dam.

Farmers in Tamil Nadu maintain that water rights have already been established during the past century and cannot be reverted. The Kerala government, however, argues that the gross area irrigated by the Mullaperiyar reservoir actually increased from 24,280 ha in 1896 to 69,200 ha in 1970-71 (when the water level was 46.3 metres) to 92,670 ha in 1994-95 (when water level was reduced to 41.45 metres). But Tamil Nadu claims that this is due to the modernisation of Periyar-Vaigai project, which reduced seepage losses by 6.7 thousand million cubic feet.

In April 2010, according to news sources, Chief Minister of Kerala V.S. Achuthanandan has urged the Centre to look into the Mullaperiyar dam issue as directed by the Supreme Court immediately. News sources said he had concerns about the delay in constituting the committee for looking into the Mullaperiyar dam issue in an official letter to the Prime minister, Mr. Manmohan Singh. He said that the Centre’s delay in the committee constitution would undermine the essence of the Supreme Court’s directive.

A.R. Lakshmanan on Mullaperiyar Panel 21.04.2010

Justice A.R. Lakshmanan, former Judge of the Supreme Court, will represent Tamil Nadu on the Empowered Committee to go into all issues, including the safety aspects, of the Mullaperiyar dam, Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi told the Assembly on 21.04.2010.

Making a suo motu statement in the House, the Chief Minister said the State government had now decided to have its nominee on the panel since the outcome of the case in the Supreme Court was crucial for Tamil Nadu.

The committee, headed by Justice A.S. Anand, former Chief Justice of India, was appointed by a five-member bench of the Supreme Court.

The DMK took a stand against the panel and the general council meeting of the party on February 20 passed a resolution declaring that there was no need for Tamil Nadu to nominate its representative for the panel.

The Chief Minister said on March 8 Tamil Nadu filed a recall petition against the Empowered Committee in the Supreme Court, arguing that there was no need to appoint a new committee, since the court had already taken a decision on all aspects of the case. But on April 5, the Centre wrote to the State government, urging immediate nomination of a representative for the panel, in the wake of the dismissal of recall petition against the appointment of the Empowered Committee. On March 3, the Centre wrote to Tamil Nadu for appointment of a member for the panel.

Mr. Karunanidhi said the State government had also consulted the Advocate General before taking the decision on having its nominee on the panel.

Dream Dare Win

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The Indo-U.S Nuclear Deal: What is there?

Saturday, April 17th, 2010

A comprehensive report on the Indo-US nuclear deal to help you understand the pros and conns of the deal. Ideal primer for IAS aspirants.

The statements coming from the Bush administration about the importance of the landmark nuclear deal and the alarm and the worries about the valuable time being wasted by India in approving the deal, and dilly-dallying in talks with the IEAE, NSG and India’s response and attempts to assure Bush administration about its intents, all pose many questions about the new turn in Indo-U.S. relations and the nuclear deal. What are the anxieties, issues and concerns being voiced both in India and the United States about the deal and why India needs to complete the agreement within the time limit given by the United States?

Actually the eagerness of the Bush administration for moving ahead with the deal being reflected through the sentiments expressed from time-to-time by U.S. officials and recently through U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s statement that “it is a landmark agreement which is good for both sides—we will continue to work on that agreement” has also allowed people in India to discuss and probe the reasons of such significance of the deal for the United States. On the other hand, India’s UPA (United Progressive Alliance) government’s approach towards the United States, helpless in view of the domestic political uncertainty and the dilemma about completing the formalities of the deal in time, also demands attention.
There is no denying the fact that India’s relations with the United States have entered a new phase in the present era. In fact, a decade before no one could have imagined that the United States would be so keen to develop very close ties and a strategic partnership with India, and that U.S. officials, particularly U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, would opine that the United States aims to assist India emerge as a major power in the twenty-first century.

The momentum in defense and strategic ties between the two and the change in U.S. perceptions about India is unprecedented, as until recently, India and the United States, due to their multifarious differences, were considered to be ‘estranged democracies’—but the agreement on civil nuclear technology by bringing a transformation in their relationship, has made them ‘engaged democracies.’

The changing opinion of the Bush administration about India’s capabilities, its desire to work together for the maintenance of peace, security, anti-terrorism, and economic growth, has allowed India and the United States to work collectively on these and many other issues. Although the courting of India by the United States is also being seen as a strategy of balancing Chinese power and other axis-of-evil countries in Asia as well as consolidating India as a friendly country within the United States’ designs of global partnership; however, in view of the concerns being raised about the nuclear deal which was signed during President Bush’s visit to India in March 2006, India needs to move cautiously. This article attempts to discuss the issues, anxieties, concerns and hiccups regarding the nuclear deal which would ultimately also decide the future of Indo-U.S. relations.

Unusual and Unexpected Move of the Bush Administration
The move of the Bush administration concerning the nuclear deal is being considered as unusual because the nuclear relationship between India and the United States has historically been one of the prime factors responsible for India’s problematic relations with the United States. Interestingly, India, which is currently being lured and pressurized by the United States for signing the nuclear deal in time, has most of the time been subjected to the United States’ sanctions, pressures and consequent denial of high technology because of its nuclear program, and decision to not to sign the highly discriminatory NPT (Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty).

Since India has developed most of its nuclear program indigenously, therefore, India has always opposed the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) guidelines on nuclear safeguard, control, and inspection systems in its nuclear plants. As a result of this India not only lacked access to the IAEA trade, but also found it difficult to get the supplies needed for running its nuclear plants which have always been considered very crucial for meeting India’s energy needs. Ironically, India’s nuclear program like the prestigious Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) was initiated with U.S. help.

The Tarapur nuclear reactor was also built in the 1960s with U.S. support however, as per the conditions of the agreement, U.S. fuel supplies to this reactor had never been consistent. India has always felt let down by the inconsistency of U.S. policy and its tendency of backtracking from its commitments. India’s disappointment and dejection towards the United States could be understood easily as the United States could never honor its treaty commitments of supplying nuclear fuel to the nuclear plants of India. Due to the unpredictability of U.S. behavior it was natural for India to see the United States as an unreliable friend and to thus look for other sources to fulfill its needs. More so India also has reasons to believe that the United States has relentlessly used harsh measures towards its nuclear policy and tests without realizing the reasons therein but it has never acted with the same alacrity and intolerance towards the other proliferators.

The U.S. administrations have subtly indicated their intolerance towards the increasing nuclear potential of India by imposing sanctions in 1974 as a reaction to India’s first nuclear test (PNE), and then in 1998 in response to India’s second nuclear test the United States permanently suspended nuclear fuel shipments to India. In view of the tough policy line and the aim of U.S. administrations to cap, stop and completely roll back India’s nuclear program as well as the bitterness and lack of trust between the two states, the policy measures adopted by the Bush administration not only appeared different but also generated an interest in all the quarters. The United States under the leadership of Bush has not only exhibited an interest in developing close relations with India but also a sympathetic appreciation of India’s growing energy needs and problems. As the nuclear issue was considered a basic irritant in U.S.- India relations therefore, the Bush administration wanted to move beyond this by negotiating and signing the civil nuclear deal with India so that India could also become a responsible stakeholder in the proliferation regime.

The U.S. interest in improving its relations with India was also reflected in the U.S. desire of motivating India to play a global role and acquire its place in the diplomatic world by becoming a strategic partner of the United States, and to fulfill the U.S. global agenda and interests. As a result of these expectations, and America’s strategy to rope in India as a (junior) partner to fulfill its global designs, the civil nuclear deal came in to existence. The Bush administration in view of India’s problems about the flow and continuity of the nuclear fuel has emphasized that the 123 Agreement (the present nuclear deal, named for a clause in the Atomic Energy Act), is meant to provide India with the means to produce clean energy, a major source to sustain India’s economic growth and also to curb the emission of gases responsible for the global warming. It is also being seen as an act of tacit recognition of India as a responsible nuclear power by the United States.

As the United States aspired to stop, cap, and roll back India’s nuclear program therefore, to evolve a middle path and also to avoid U.S. annoyance and pressures, India had extensive dialogues on the nuclear issue with the United States during the NDA government under the leadership of Atal Bihari Bajpayee. The several rounds of Jaswant Singh-Strobe Talbot talks about the nuclear issue during the Clinton administration stand in testimony to this exercise but these could not cut much ice and relations remained strained. Though President Clinton’s visit to India in March 2000, the first undertaken by any U.S. President after a gap of 22 years, promoted the movement of relations in a positive and upward direction; but the disagreements and doubts remained intact. President Bush, in order to fulfill the already fixed policy objectives of developing close relations with India and removing acrimony in their relationship, instead of putting pressure on the nuclear issue, preferred to adopt some other methods to bring India under the nuclear regimes. The nuclear agreement initiated during Indian Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh’s visit to the United States in July 2005, and finalized during President Bush’s visit to India in March 2006, was therefore termed as exceptional and unique because it was with a non-NPT signatory country and U.S. law prohibits any agreement with the countries that refuse to follow the guidelines of the IAEA, and thus not sign the NPT.

When Bush initiated the prospects of normalizing U.S.-India Civil nuclear relations and ending India’s nuclear segregation from the rest of the world, he made it clear that the motive behind the move was to assist India in achieving its dream of becoming a major power in the twenty-first century. It also aimed to provide opportunities for prosperity and stability for people of both the countries and to work for spreading democratic values throughout the world. The need for a greater collaboration and cooperation with India in infrastructural development, counter-terrorism, defense and security cooperation, transforming India’s rural agricultural economy by increasing its productivity and bringing suitable changes in its education system, were also stressed as the other important objectives of U.S. policy in the new era.

The U.S. policy moves aiming to enable India to overcome obstructions for its global aspirations were seen as important for U.S. interests in the post-Cold War era of changing priorities and developing new alliances and friendships. As these moves, especially after the 9/11 contours of U.S. policy, were not only unexpected and unusual but took the majority of think tanks and policy analysts by surprise. Though a long historical legacy of bitterness, uncertainties, distance and differences among the world’s oldest and largest democracies was not that easy to overlook, yet the civil nuclear deal, despite the inherent controversies, has certainly opened a new vista for the relationship between India and the United States.
Advantages of the Nuclear Deal to India and the United States:

Under the new civil nuclear agreement, India has agreed to separate its civilian and military programs and to put two-thirds of its existing reactors, and 65 percent of its generating power, under permanent safeguards with international verification, and in return the United States would be under commitment to supply nuclear fuel and technology to India.

This is very vital for India, because one of the biggest constraints for the continuing success of its fast-growing economy is the electricity shortage. Nuclear energy, which at present accounts for only about 3 percent of India’s total electricity generation, is an attractive alternative to coal and expensive imported oil and gas. The fourteen nuclear power plants India has agreed to put under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards exemplify approximately 3,000 megawatts or 3 gigawatts of generating capacity. By 2020, India plans to add another 12-16 gigawatts of nuclear generating capacity to increase its current capacity. As presently nuclear power plays a very marginal role in India’s growth, therefore in some quarters it is also being felt that even by 2020, nuclear power will contribute only about seven percent of India’s total generating capacity and thus would make only a very marginal difference in India’s electricity scene.
It is also being argued that though the nuclear power could help India in addressing its energy problems to some extent, but it would not make a major difference in the energy sector and also contribute a little to satisfy the needs of its transportation sector. But on the other hand it is being believed by the supporters of nuclear energy that in the future, nuclear power might play an even bigger role. In view of the various problems associated with the other sources of energy and to satisfy India’s huge population’s growing energy needs, projected to increase four-fold within 25 years, this group believes that without aggravating its dependence on oil from the Middle East or excessively contributing to pollution and global warming, the growing energy needs could be fulfilled by using the nuclear energy.

Unfortunately, though, 17 percent of the world’s population resides in India but it has a very trivial portion of the world’s oil and gas reserves. Therefore in the absence of a reliable source of electricity, industries and households mostly are dependent on scarce and costly energy sources like petroleum, natural gas and coal to produce electricity to meet its requirements. In view of India’s dependence on imported oil, gas and coal to produce electricity which is not a very practical alternative for meeting India’s rapidly increasing electricity and energy needs, it is being opined that these limited sources, besides hampering India’s growth and development, would also add to India’s mounting pollution problems. They also argue that though coal would continue to be a major source of fuel for generating electricity, that the increasing prices of petroleum and natural gas and the need to control and manage the problem of pollution would push India like other countries to adopt cleaner means of generating electricity. In fact the worries about growing pollution levels have also forced as many as thirty countries in the world to restart their nuclear power plants. Presently the United States is the biggest producer of nuclear energy, with 103 nuclear power plants and 27 percent of the global nuclear generating capacity, and rising natural gas prices have contributed to extensions of nuclear plant licenses in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany. China, with just nine nuclear power plants also intends to build thirty new nuclear plants by 2020.
In view of the scarcity of alternative sources of electricity generation and India’s mounting energy needs to match its economic progress India has perceived this agreement as a means of fulfilling its energy needs. The United States, on the other, hand has been viewing it as a tool to bring India under the control and obligations of the nuclear regimes. In view of India’s energy-related problems, this agreement appears to have transformed their relationship by fulfilling the objectives of both the countries. As on the one hand, it would end India’s isolation, help it acquire high-technology, and reduce its dependence on oil from the Persian Gulf; and on the other, it would bring India under the IAEA inspection and control system, and prove economically beneficial for the United States, too. Due to this fact the deal was welcomed by Mohamed El Baradei, Director of the International Atomic Energy Agency. In his opinion “the nuclear deal would bring India closer as an important partner in the non-proliferation regime and which would be a milestone, timely for ongoing efforts to consolidate the non-proliferation regime, combat nuclear terrorism and strengthen nuclear safety.” The forty-five nation Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), such as France, Russia and the United Kingdom, also did not take much time in expressing their support for the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal but on the other hand Canada and China, both NSG members, expressed their reservations about this deal.
The U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice while arguing in favor of the Indo-U.S. strategic partnership and the civil nuclear deal, stressed that India has a record of thirty years of responsible behavior on proliferation matters, and the agreement would make the world, and the future of India and the United States, safe. While naming the agreement as unique, Rice also emphasized that India’s uniqueness as a country, as a democracy with an accountable and transparent government encouraged the United States to move forward for this agreement. In her view point other countries like North Korea and Iran that had also been seeking to develop their programs on the basis of this agreement do not fall in this category, because Iran is a state that promotes terrorism, and North Korea is the least transparent state, threatens its neighbors, and proliferates weapons. She also felt that by satisfying India’s energy needs, it would end its dependence on fossil fuels and ease the environmental impact of India’s vibrant economic growth; and, on the other hand, it would also help the U.S. economy and enhance the employment and job prospects for the American people also. The nuclear deal grants India the facility of reprocessing the nuclear fuel acquired from the external sources, a concession the United States has presently given only to Japan and European countries. In accordance to the deal the United States would also help India to find fuel if the United States cuts off the supply for any reason particularly if India tests a nuclear weapon. In the viewpoint of several scholars, the reason for the U.S. willingness to take these steps lies in the fact that lately it has started to recognize India as an important strategic bulwark and an answer against a growing Chinese power and highly unstable and unpredictable Pakistan. India ’s million-man army, the world’s fourth largest, and its blue-water navy make it a natural buffer as well as a sentinel on the trade route between East Asia and the Middle East. The United States believes that a demographically and economically vibrant India could serve as a counterweight to expanding Chinese influence in Southeast Asia as well as Beijing’s great-power ambitions around the globe. U.S. Ambassador to India David Mulford has also accepted that the United States by adopting such policy moves towards India has succeeded to a large extent in de-hyphenating its relationship with India and Pakistan.

Interestingly, now the United States has also tacitly acknowledged India as a responsible state with advanced nuclear know-how, but it has very diplomatically avoided accepting India as the sixth nuclear weapons state. The U.S. stand also makes the nuclear deal noteworthy. It clearly shows that America has agreed to help India acquire the same benefits and advantages as other states with nuclear weapons. India would also be granted full civil nuclear energy co-operation, fuel supplies and the transfer of technology, etc., but the United States would not like to undermine the conditions of the NPT by recognizing India as a sixth nuclear state. In some quarters it is believed that the present U.S. policy, like the NPT which created two classes of states, the nuclear haves and the have-nots, would once again create two classes of the non-NPT signatories, “responsible” non-nuclear states such as Japan and the EU countries which are allowed to conduct plutonium reprocessing and uranium enrichment for their civilian programs, and other countries like Iran which are denied this right because of the feeling that they may use their potential to acquire nuclear weapons. In view of this duplicity, it can be said that a country cannot be assured of obtaining full fuel cycle facilities by just signing the NPT or the IAEA safeguards system but its political system and proximity to the western countries would also matter in deciding its suitability for access to the dual use potential sensitive technologies. However some other scholars have opined that the July 18, 2005 agreement for a civil nuclear deal with the United States has heralded India’s strategic liberalization, and has also ensured substantial gains such as the import of nuclear fuel, etc. They feel that an enabled India, free of technology denial restraints and of the category of the strategic outcast, would not only emerge as an important state in the twenty-first century but also help multi-polarity to become a reality at the global level.

Problems
However, despite the benefits for India and the United States by the nuclear deal it is also being felt that the nuclear deal with India not only threatens to demolish the global nuclear regimes but would also encourage other countries to go for their nuclear programs as India is one of the countries which have not signed the NPT. The U.S. Nuclear Nonproliferation Act also aims to prevent proliferation by denying access of nuclear technology and nuclear materials for the states that have refused to sign the NPT. To strengthen controls on export of the nuclear technology and materials to such countries the Nuclear Suppliers Group in the mid-1970s was established by the United States. And it is also true that despite creating two classes of states and being a highly discriminatory treaty, the NPT has survived because no major power has remained outside of it to defy it. Actually the P-5 have shown very little interest in linking the vertical and horizontal proliferation with the result the NPT has become a purely horizontal nonproliferation instrument.

Though there is no denying the fact that NPT has also remained unsuccessful in controlling the proliferation of nuclear weapons as both signatory and non signatory countries have violated the norms of the treaty. China and France, signatories to the NPT, have helped Israel and Pakistan, non-signatories of the NPT, to carry forward their nuclear program as well as to acquire nuclear weapons technology. Likewise Iran and North Korea which have signed the NPT have used nuclear technology, equipment and fuel meant for civilian nuclear power programs to expand the nuclear weapons programs.

It is ironic that despite the failure of the NPT in controlling the proliferation of the nuclear weapons and technology, it is being argued that rewarding India through this deal for not signing the NPT would encourage other states also to follow suit, and also set a precedent for future proliferators to develop their nuclear programs without worrying about sanctions. However, to counter this argument it is also being alleged that though India did not sign the NPT but it has always presented an example of responsible nuclear state by never helping proliferation of nuclear weapons or providing the technology to the rogue states like Libya or Iran despite lucrative energy deals in return for such help. Therefore, India cannot be put in the bracket of the rogue states for denying the technology or imposing the sanctions.

The U.S. stand towards the nuclear deal with India in the opinion of some scholars presents a good case of the double standard, however U.S. policymakers have not only rejected this argument but also said “We treat India, a democratic, peaceful friend, differently than we treat Iran and North Korea and we’re very happy to say that. India is inviting the IAEA in, Iran is pushing the IAEA out. India is playing by the rules. Iran is not. If that’s a system of double standards, we’re very proud to establish that double standard on behalf of a democratic friend.”

Actually the U.S. move is driven by both strategic and economic considerations. Strategically, Washington perceives India as a potential counterweight to China, and by improving the nuclear relationship it aspires to bring changes in political relations between the two states. In economic terms, the United States would like to help India build a number of nuclear power reactors to fulfill the energy needs of its fast-growing economy and cut the dependence on pollution-creating hydrocarbon fuels. As India is expected to order several nuclear power reactors, therefore ultimately U.S. companies would earn benefits from such sales to India.

In fact over the last thirty years, India and the United States both have paid the price of not having a good relationship with each other. India has paid a heavier price than the United States for not joining the NPT in 1968, and also for its nuclear tests conducted in 1974 and 1998 by way of attracting various kinds of sanctions imposed by the international community. However, initially the sanctions did not create much problem as India’s nuclear program was in its infancy, but as India has developed its nuclear program further and has succeeded in developing a workable nuclear deterrent, it is believed that the additional restrictions on nuclear cooperation would adversely affect India’s civilian energy program and economic progress than its nuclear weapons programs. At present, India has a good understanding of the nuclear fuel cycle; techniques for using thorium as fuel; produced an arsenal of nuclear weapons; and also developed civilian nuclear power program. For further advancement now India wants access to enriched uranium and also the right to reprocess the spent fuel, but without any conditions on its nuclear weapons program. The United States feels that the U.S.-India nuclear deal, would on the one hand help India to fulfill its energy related needs and on the other would also bind India through international agreements to continue its responsible nonproliferation policies and thus help meet international non-proliferation goals.

In India though all the opposition parties have shown their displeasure towards the Indo-U.S. deal but the Congress Party of India and Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh have been vigorously arguing in the favor of the nuclear deal by emphasizing that this deal is meant to end India’s isolation in the field of nuclear technology and all the nuclear scientists have also favored it as a historic agreement. The Nuclear Suppliers Group has also agreed to supply nuclear material to India on account of this agreement. The Congress Party also feels that to meet its growing energy demands, electricity production through nuclear energy has become a necessity for India, therefore, India needs this agreement urgently to move with other countries, like France, which gets 78 percent, Germany 30 percent and the United States 20 percent of its electricity from nuclear energy. It is also being argued by the Congress Party leadership that this would not only help in electricity generation but also in medical and scientific research, and high-technology. It would also allow more investment in other areas by U.S. firms and in case of failure India would revert back to the primitive stage or to the status prior to 1974, and all the growth and development would be stunned. Some scholars have also argued that despite many claims, India’s energy needs have not been met either by hydro-electric potential or coal for the last 50 years and in order to meet India’s full potential there is a need to provide unhindered access to technology, investment, markets and higher education. This need could only be fulfilled by the nuclear energy, therefore, this deal is a must for India’s progress and development.

Controversial Issues of the Deal:
Following the U.S. President’s visit to India in March 2006, the U.S. Congress also took up the agreement and formally made it into legislation after the committee level deliberations and conciliations in terms of words by both the House and the Senate. The Congress made substantive modifications to the agreement by adding conditions such as limiting the reprocessing rights of India over spent fuel as well as restraints on its ability to conduct nuclear testing. The legislation also required the President to issue an annual certification to Congress stating that India is abiding by the clauses of the agreement. President Bush signed the bill on 18 December 2006, making it a legal instrument. On 1 August 2007, U.S. and Indian negotiators concluded a separate technical agreement under section 123 of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act, which spells out the precise terms, conditions, responsibilities, obligations and promises that each party undertakes.

Through this legislation —in the form of the Hyde Act—for the first time in history the United States, it has ratified nuclear cooperation with India and opened the way for giving India access to American nuclear technology with limited safeguards to discourage possible proliferation. While it was passed by the United States, the ratification by the Senate and the approval of the forty-five nation Nuclear Suppliers Group that control exports of nuclear materials is also required for any further movement. As the legislation, known as Hyde Act, has imposed restrictions on how India could utilize U.S. nuclear supplies, therefore the implementation of the agreement has received a setback because of the opposition by the Communist parties that support India’s present UPA government from outside. Actually t he leaders of almost all the political parties of India have categorically expressed their dislike and apprehensions for provisions that provide for cutting off aid if India conducts any future nuclear tests and the return of the all nuclear material or equipment provided by U.S. suppliers.

The opposition parties have also been demanding that the clause that prohibits India from reprocessing any fuel provided for power plants be removed from the text. They have also expressed dislike towards the clause that requires the U.S. President to annually certify that India is complying with the rules as they believe that this would allow for U.S. meddling in its nuclear program and also violate the sovereignty of India. Taking note of objections by India and the delay in working on the modalities of the deal, U.S. officials have opined that despite India’s reservations the United States would make no such concessions to India that would run counter to the Hyde Act as the ball was in Indian court. “We will honor every aspect of the Hyde Act. A collapse of the talks, would seriously undercut our hopes for the relationship… The process has been held hostage to political crosswinds in Congress and the Indian parliament.” The U.S. approach has given another reason for the opposition parties as well as the allies to rally together to oppose the deal.
On account of the prevailing circumstances it is being felt that it would be difficult for the United States to fulfill its obligations and similarly in a coalition government without the approval of the coalition partners, India would also not be able to move forward with this deal. In view of the problems India’s Prime Minister is facing to develop consensus and approval of the coalition partners the future of the deal looks bleak as the UPA allies, the left parties, are adamant on not supporting the deal. They have threatened to withdraw support from the government even at the cost of pushing the country to mid-term poll. In the United States apprehensions have also already started to find their expression among Congressmen, many of whom think that this deal is more in India’s interest as India would be able to conduct the nuclear test and also develop its military program without any problems. They have argued that India’s prototype fast breeder reactors, which can produce significant amounts of weapons-grade plutonium, have been kept out of this agreement, and there would not be any problem for India’s weapon program. A group of U.S. non-proliferation specialists expressing their apprehensions and concerns about the deal wrote to members of Congress urging them to reject any pact that falls short of American domestic laws. They feel that the result of such pacts could be reduced accountability, increased Indian nuclear weapons production capacity and damage to the credibility of U.S. non-proliferation efforts. Unlike 177 other states, India has so far refused to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and is, under no legal obligation not to test. They urged the Congress to ensure that, ‘the agreement for nuclear cooperation must explicitly state that renewed nuclear testing by India would lead to the termination of U.S. nuclear assistance.’

Though, in view of India’s unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing it is being felt that these requirements would pose no problem, however, on the other hand, it is also being argued that India’s insistence on assurances that commercial nuclear contracts should continue even in case of nuclear testing would breach the agreement. India’s relationship with Iran is also a matter of concern for U.S. Senators and think tanks. On account of India’s relations with Iran the Senators have also expressed their apprehensions about the deal. They feel that in view of India’s activities like agreeing to military-to-military working groups and joint training exercises with Iran, Indian companies selling Iran precursor chemicals for rocket fuel and chemical weapons, passing nuclear secrets to Tehran, entering into agreements with Iran to develop oil and gas resources and helping Iran to develop more effective batteries for Iran’s submarine fleet, there is an urgent need to reconsider the nuclear deal.

Issues of Concerns in India and the United States
There is no denying that this agreement has opened new vistas of cooperation between India and the United States, but it cannot be denied that despite the hoopla, the pin-pricks and pressure politics are still present. U.S. objections regarding the supply of nuclear fuel by Russia to India’s Tarapur nuclear reactor are a cause of concern. As within three weeks of the March 2006 announcement of the deal, Russia agreed to supply uranium to refuel two reactors at India’s Tarapur nuclear site but the United States feels that any action should be taken only after India fulfills its obligations under the historic Indo-U.S. nuclear deal, which India has not yet done.

Interestingly, low-enriched uranium for Tarapur’s reactors has been supplied by NSG member states since these reactors came in to being in 1969. Under the present deal also if the United States fails to go ahead with the deal, the other NSG countries will seek to replace the United States in cooperating with India and the United States would hardly be in a position to object to the cooperation that it had first proposed. India, on the issue of the fuel supplies for the Tarapur plant by Russia also made it clear that nuclear fuel was required urgently to prevent shutting down the Tarapur plant, and that it did not violate any NSG guidelines or international law. India also clarified that it had requested the United States to supply nuclear fuel, but as this was not possible under U.S. law, it requested this of Russia, which agreed—and that this issue was separate from the Indo-U.S. civilian nuclear deal. In view of this, it seems that in order to pursue its civil nuclear-related interests, India would have to accommodate the United States’ pressures, and without the United States’ consent, it would be difficult for India to get such supplies from other nuclear powers.

Proliferation Concerns
Many critics of this agreement, both in the United States and India, have expressed their apprehensions about it. They feel that India may not have signed the NPT, but that the United States—by signing the NPT—had also promised not to help other countries, and only those countries who have signed it could benefit from trade in civilian nuclear technology, and that allowing nuclear trade with India is bound to break this rule. It is also being felt in some quarters in America that this agreement is more favorable to India and its military program than to the United States, as this deal allows India enough fissile material for producing nuclear weapons. They feel that this would be against America’s worldwide nuclear non-proliferation agenda. In some segments of India as well, there is a feeling that the UPA government, in its enthusiasm to develop good relations and a nuclear deal with the United States, has compromised India’s interests.

Although India has been able to keep its military option open, it will now be under the constant pressures and vigilance of the international agencies and in view of the past record of the United States with regard to such supplies, India would have to work with utmost caution. Ashton B. Carter has opined that Bush’s historic concession to India could create a serious blow to the international non-proliferation regime and could set a dangerous precedent for rogue countries like Iran, North Korea and other aspiring nuclear powers. He also feels that the United States in order to win the support and cooperation of India in confronting the challenge that a threatening Iran, a turbulent Pakistan and an unpredictable China may pose in the future gave away something on the nuclear front to gain much more on other fronts. He has also argued that the deal is clear about what the United States would concede but it is not clear as what India would give in return and such imbalance would leave the United States at the mercy of India’s future behavior. The deal has also given a message that forgiveness comes to proliferators who wait long enough, and that the nuclear aspirants’ could bypass the NPT if they waited long enough.

In view of this it is being apprehended that the deal would encourage other countries to develop their nuclear programs, and this would harm the United States’ vital interest of preventing nuclear proliferation, lead to the spread of weapons-grade nuclear material, and also unleash a regional arms race in which China and Russia could be expected to do the same for Pakistan and Iran as the United States would do for India. In such an atmosphere, it would be difficult for the United States to get support for sanctions against the countries known as nuclear rebels, such as Iran and North Korea. It is also being feared that it would be difficult for the United States to convince the forty-five nation NSG, and particularly China and Japan, to change their policies to exempt India from nuclear export controls.

U.S. objections to India’s search for alternative energies are also noteworthy, as the United States wants to restrict India’s attempts to develop the India-Pakistan-Iran gas pipeline. The United States believes that the nuclear deal will end India’s dependence on the oil from Persian Gulf; however, despite being the pioneer in a field of nuclear energy, the United States is equally interested in maintaining a continued and unhindered flow of oil from the Persian Gulf for satisfying its own needs, which means the United States is free to look after its interests, but that India’s hands would be tied. In view of this, it can be said that though the integration of India in the field of nuclear energy is a welcome move, but India needs to tread cautiously to protect its interests.

Domestic Political problems of India and the United States
India , due to the differing opinions and concerns, so far could not lock the deal as almost all the political parties have opposed this deal and warned Prime Minister Manmohan Singh about the repercussions of signing this deal. Despite Prime Minister’s assurances and debates in the parliament about the intent of the United States in the deal and India’s freedom of action, the political parties could not be satisfied. The left parties, the main allies of the UPA coalition government are dead-set against this deal. They have gone to the extent of threatening to withdraw support from the government if it moves forward in this direction. This has created a climate of political uncertainty as the prospects of the mid-term poll is looming large. The left parties feel that the Indo-U.S. civil nuclear deal works against an independent foreign policy and the sovereignty of India, as India would have to make compromises to keep the tap of nuclear fuel supplies open. They have argued that India under U.S. pressures would compromise its freedom of action as it did during voting on Iran in the IAEA. In their opinion, the compulsion of economic, political and military cooperation which is attached with this agreement would make India a U.S. stooge. They think that India would also be forced to sign a defense framework agreement which would force it to purchase defense equipment at higher cost from the United States only.

The left parties also have argued that due to U.S. pressures, the government is delaying the agreement with Iran for the gas pipe line. They also feel that India’s nuclear program would face a setback and electricity produced through the imported reactors on account of its cost would be beyond the reach of the common people. More so, India has not been assured a life-long supply of nuclear fuel and no assurances have been given for reusing its nuclear fuel. The U.S. Hyde Act also stops the transfer of technique, and also makes the provision for taking back all the equipment in case of a nuclear test by India. The U.S. Government can cancel this agreement according to its choice and thus leave India in the lurch. They have regarded the Hyde Act as highly objectionable and against the independence, national pride and sovereignty of India.

Actually the controversial Section 123(a)(4) of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act gives the U.S. Government the right to ask for the return of any nuclear material and equipment transferred under this deal and any special materials (like plutonium) produced through the use thereof, if India conducts a nuclear test or terminates or abrogates the IAEA safeguards agreement. U.S. officials have made it clear to the Congress that the nuclear deal with India is not aimed to help India to assemble a stockpile of nuclear fuel for conducting another nuclear test or to relax the IAEA safeguards agreement. Section 103(a)(6) of the Hyde Act stipulates that if United States exports were to be suspended or terminated pursuant to U.S. law, it will be U.S. policy to seek to prevent transfer of nuclear equipment, material or technology from other sources also.
Interestingly the July 2005 Joint Statement grants India the de facto nuclear weapons power status but the Hyde Act denies the technologies in case of a nuclear test by India. This act also requires a guarantee that no material transferred under this deal or produced through the use of any material, reprocessed, enriched or otherwise altered in form without the prior approval of the U.S. Government. Another contentious issue is the denial of technology transfer for uranium enrichment, spent-fuel reprocessing and heavy water production. India would not have the right to reprocess any spent fuel to be discharged from imported reactors or arising from natural uranium bought from abroad, without prior permission of the United States. Without such reprocessing, the major objective of using the separated plutonium from the spent fuel, in a subsequent civilian breeder reactor or AHWR, cannot be fulfilled. These two provisions in the Act directly negate the lifetime fuel supply assurances contained in the Separation Plan of March 2, 2006. The opposition parties feel that these sections of the Hyde Act need to be amended if India is to be assured about of uninterrupted fuel supplies.

As far as the generation of electricity from nuclear energy is concerned the left parties have argued that it is not a very popular source of energy even in the developed world because of the higher cost of the electricity generated through it, and in India also only 9 percent of its needs would be fulfilled by this source, and at a very high cost. These parties have also argued that as a result of the cost factor and other expenses even the United States has not installed or built any nuclear reactors in the last twenty-one years. The major opposition party of India, the BJP, also feels that the aim of this deal is to prevent India’s indigenous nuclear program which is being run without foreign assistance. The BJP has also argued that the electricity produced by the imported reactors would be the most expensive for the country to afford. They have also questioned the rationale of the condition of separation of civilian and non-civilian programs which is not applicable in the nuclear haves, but in India only. They feel that on account of this the fast breeder reactor would also be brought under the preview of IAEA which is against the interest of the country. The BJP also feels that neither is India being given the status of the nuclear country nor would it be able to conduct a nuclear test for the fear of a break in the supplies, or the taking back of the technology; therefore, the deal is not useful for India. In BJP’s view, this agreement is a nuclear non-proliferation treaty in a new form which India is being asked to sign.

It has also been argued by some scholars that even though the deal might be the best for India but the U.S. dedication to the deal and willingness to welcome India in the nuclear club as an honorary member creates some doubts about U.S. intentions. They believe that when nuclear non-proliferation has been an article of faith for U.S. policymakers, the deal cannot be without double-motives because the United States could achieve the access to the Indian markets, defense sales to India, and the strategic partnership to encircle China, even without the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal. They feel that if India could master the three-stage recycle through breeder reactors that use thorium and not be dependent on imported uranium, it would leave India with adequate fissile material and energy production and make it independent of American control. This could have devastating consequences for U.S. interests which the United States would like to prevent.

In view of this it is being felt that to control India and at the same time enroll as an ally, the 123 deal was concluded. The Hyde Act aims to arrest, roll back and eventually abolish India’s nuclear capability as it clearly mentions that if the United States stops supplying nuclear material to India following a treaty violation, it will not allow other members of NSG to supply it. Since the United States wishes to maintain its global superiority by any means and deter the potential competitors therefore, if any country tries to challenge or alter the U.S. scheme of things or interests, it would be put in the list of potential competitors. In view of this no friendship and no allies could be permanent hence; present allies like China and India could become rivals in the future and could be seen as emerging threats to U.S. global designs. In view of this the present interest of the United States for the deal is also not without purpose, therefore, U.S. officials have been stating that India should move swiftly in this direction and lock the deal as early as possible otherwise the relationship would suffer.

This could be gauged by the message which the three powerful U.S. Senators during their visit to India gave to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh by telling him that India should complete the deal formalities before April 2008, otherwise the deal would run into difficulty as the time was running out very fast for the deal. Surprised at the opposition to Indo-U.S. nuclear deal in India, former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott has said “ it was a classic case of putting a bullet in a gift horse’s forehead” as he was not sure the next U.S. administration would offer a similar deal. Ironically, Talbott, has been critical of the nuclear deal as India has not yet signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. On the other hand the U.S. corporate world is also disappointed by the confusion and delay in locking the deal as this deal had opened a very wide scope for investment and business. France, Russia, Germany and Japan are also disappointed as they had also aspired to gain economic benefits through this deal by supplying nuclear technology to India. The multinational companies that have spent a large amount of money in lobbying to get it ratified in the U.S. Congress in the hope that they would receive contracts from India are also losing hopes due to the delay on the part of India, as they also fear that the next administration might not be so interested or favorable towards the deal. The disappointment and pressures of the companies have also emerged as a source of irritation in the U.S. administration. In view of the problems and controversies some other critics have also opined that if the Indo-U.S. relationship is linked to only one issue of the nuclear deal, then it is not based on maturity and thus not worth taking.

Prospects
Although, the United States has made it clear that the ratification of the treaty is India’s internal issue and the United States would not want to interfere but like the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, U.S. President Bush also wants to go down in history as the one who brought a great change in Indo-U.S. relations. Bush aspires to present it as his success but the dilly-dallying is not allowing this to happen and increasing his worries. Bush is also facing the annoyance of the multinationals because of the apprehensions of losing business prospects in case the Democratic Party takes over, as it would not be as interested in the deal as the Bush administration.

Also, in India, U.S. pressures on India’s foreign policy directions like relations with Burma, ties with Iran, or supply of gas or the Iran-India-Pakistan gas pipeline, have all provided the opposition parties a new weapon to oppose the deal. They feel that since India following the U.S. line of action has voted twice in the IAEA to sanction Iran’s nuclear-weapons program, these pressures should not be applied on India. They feel that U.S. pressures clearly show the opportunism and bullying attitude of the United States.

However, it is also clear that if the deal fails it would make India more dependent on Iran for energy, weaken its economic prospects and thus defeat the U.S. objective of developing a strategic partnership with India. As it is also being felt that the circumstances for the nuclear deal are most favorable in the United States during the Bush administration and if there is a change of party in the White House such opportunity would be lost. Therefore, to fulfill these requirements, it is being suggested that India must move quickly to seal the deal in time. They believe that the stand of the left is not based on reasons but only on anti-Americanism and the BJP have also found common cause in spreading anti-Americanism in Indian polity. They also point to the fact that though the BJP has also joined the left parties in opposing the deal, but it was the BJP under the NDA government which began the exercise of the nuclear and strategic collaboration with the United States; therefore the BJP’s opposition of the deal is not for the cause but only for gaining political leverage. The former U.S. diplomat Strobe Talbott has questioned the BJP’s stand on the nuclear deal. While talking to a news channel during his recent visit to India he informed that the Vajpayee-led government was ready to settle for much less than what has been offered by the United States to the UPA government, therefore, he was unable to understand how BJP could oppose it. The BJP has called Talbott’s remarks ignorant.

In view of this it is being suggested that India should not waste the opportunity offered to it by the changing power politics equations in such petty issues as regionalism, communalism, caste and class divisions, which have always bothered India and hampered its global aspirations. India should move forward and seal the deal and also become a part of the new security and strategic arrangements and partnerships emerging in the world to meet the challenges of the energy crisis, increasing pollution, and environmental problems. India and the United States therefore need to consider all alternatives other than letting the deal fail because much has been invested politically in the deal and neither side can afford to abandon the path that the two leaders adopted in 2005. The 123 Agreement is not an end in itself, but a means to move in the direction of securing the cooperation of the other members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
Due to the stakes involved in the deal, Indian Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh while arguing in the parliament also openly accepted that India cannot afford to miss the nuclear bus if India aspires to retain its growth, progress and play its global role. The External Affairs Minister Paranab Mukherjee also commented that the deal was India’s passport to the world. The U.S. ambassador to India David C Mulford has also favored the completion of the processes involved in the deal during the tenure of the Bush administration, failing which he has also warned that “practical problems” could push the deal to 2010. In order to assure the members of parliament about the fine points and India’s obligations under the deal, Pranab Mukherjee stated in both houses of parliament that “The Hyde Act is an enabling provision that is between the executive and the legislative organs of the U.S. Government. India’s rights and obligations regarding civil nuclear cooperation with the United States arise only from the bilateral 123 Agreement that we have agreed upon with the United States, India and the International Atomic Energy Agency have made considerable headway in negotiations for an India-specific safeguards agreement.” He also emphasized that the deal would signal an end to the unfair technology denial regimes and sanctions India has faced for over three decades. But the statement could not satisfy the Left parties as they were not ready to buy the argument that, the Hyde Act’s implications do not apply on India. In view of India’s political dilemma, U.S. Senator Biden during his visit to India also stressed that the remaining steps in the nuclear deal need to be completed in the next three months so that the Congress could take up the 123 agreement in June and ratify it in July. This timeline gives India just three months to wrap up the IAEA safeguards agreement, convince the allies and acquire the NSG waiver.

As other countries like France and Russia are also keen on opening trade with India, but these countries are finding themselves unable to move in this direction because of the present restrictions under U.S. law, therefore, it is being opined that there is an urgent need to complete the formalities of the deal in time. Since the deal is being seen as a device to opening the door to international cooperation for India hence, the necessity of finding a middle path to reach to some conclusion is also being felt. Russia has also shown its willingness to sign a nuclear agreement with India without waiting for lifting of the international restrictions on technology transfer to India. In fact in January 2007 during the Russian President Putin’s visit to India, a Memorandum of Intent for the construction of four nuclear power reactors in Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu was signed and these overtures exhibited Russia’s keenness to formalize the deal which does not carry clauses like the Hyde Act, therefore India should decide on it also soon. Russia’s offer could be taken as a rare example of friendship but there are other countries also that have been looking anxiously towards the completion of this deal. Therefore, India needs to take these issues also into consideration while taking any decision. India being an open democratic society, could chart its course on the basis of opinions expressed by the experts and think tanks in a way so that its economic growth and progress is not hampered.

Conclusion
Though there is no denying the fact that there are various complications which have made the task of the Congress-led UPA government of India very tough, but in view of the limited alternatives the dilemma seems real. On the one hand, the option of generating clean energy through nuclear fuel due to its inherent cost would not only be very expensive, but it would also very difficult to sustain it for a long time due to the cost factor. But on the other hand in view of the limited options for other sources of energy and pressures of the international community for using clean energy sources on account of the threat of global warming there is little choice left for India. Since India has also willingly imposed a moratorium on further nuclear tests after the 1998 nuclear test, therefore the acceptance of the civil nuclear deal would only assist India in its economic pursuits and open the door for other international cooperation. If India has to sustain its economic growth and use its full economic potential, India would have to move forward and clutch the deal. But as India has always maintained its freedom of action and independent foreign policy, therefore any pressure on India would be seen as a compromise in its long-held stand by the concerned people. In fact it is a catch-22 situation for India, because if the Congress-led UPA government decides to proceeds further with the deal, the coalition partners (left parties) would withdraw their support from the government and push the country towards political instability, and if India fails to complete the process of the nuclear deal in time, the future of the deal would be in jeopardy.

Actually, in recent weeks, a dramatic situation was witnessed in the Indian political scene with the political parties of India being divided into two clear camps—the supporters and non-supporters of the Indo-U.S. civil nuclear deal. This scene emerged with the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government’s decision to go to the IAEA and the NSG to fulfill the requirements of the deal, and the left parties withdrawing their support from the government. This situation left the political ground open to all sorts of pulls, pressures, horse-trading and manipulations. The country observed an ugly political scene where not only the Congress-led UPA government received support from unexpected quarters, but allegations were also made in the parliament about how money changed hands to sustain and save the government. The doubts on the stability of such a government which has survived by using every possible tactic are still being raised. However it is also being assumed that with the government passing the hurdle of sustaining the confidence motion, it would be able to move forward in time to finalize the deal before the United States goes to the election mode, and ensure the economic growth of the country through nuclear energy. It is still a wait-and-watch situation because the time constraints could also decide the fate of the deal. In view of the complications, problems and dilemmas, therefore, India not only needs to tread this path cautiously, but also walk the tight-rope of progress and growth with confidence and control.

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The 123 Indo-Us Civilian Nuclear Deal

Saturday, April 17th, 2010

The Indo-US civilian nuclear deal was initiated in 2005 between Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh and President George Bush with the two nations in 2008 formally signing the deal therefore ending nearly 34 years of US sanctions on nuclear trade with India.

According to this deal, India has undertaken to separate its civilian and nuclear facilities, place its civilian facilities under IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) safeguards, take steps to prevent export of nuclear weapons technology, contribute to international non proliferation regimes and also to continue with its moratorium on nuclear tests. The American President, under the US Atomic Act has the right to ask for the return of nuclear fuel and nuclear technologies if there is a nuclear test by India. Officials of India and the United States, through discussions about the civilian nuclear deal in New Delhi, have narrowed down the differences.

Both sides have aimed to conclude the bilateral agreement, also called the 123 Agreement, by the end of 2010. Representatives of the two countries held daylong talks to iron out differences over various elements, including fuel supply assurances, reprocessing of spent fuel and future nuclear testing by India.

The Henry Hyde Act, passed by the US Congress in December, to allow civil nuclear trade with India, significantly deviates from the understanding of July 18, 2005, (when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh visited Washington) and March 2006, (when President George W Bush visited New Delhi).

The following is the content the text of Indo-US Joint Statement issued after the meeting between the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh and the US President Mr. George W. Bush, in Washington DC on July 18, 2005.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Bush declared their resolve to bring about transformation in the relationship between their countries and to establish a global alliance. Both the leaders of the two nations made their commitment to the values of human freedom, democracy and rule of law, with the new relationship between India and the United States promoting stability, democracy, prosperity and peace throughout the world. It will enhance the ability of both the countries to work together to provide global leadership in areas of mutual concern and interest.

The two leaders resolve:

 To create an international environment that is conducive to promoting democratic values, and to strengthen democratic practices in other societies.
 They praised the active and vigorous counterterrorism cooperation between the two countries and support more international efforts in this direction and vowed to fight terrorism, which they considered a global issue. The two leaders strongly affirm their commitment to the conclusion of a UN comprehensive convention against international terrorism.

The two leaders agree that the (NSSP) Next Steps in Strategic Partnership provides the basis for expansion of bilateral activities and commerce in space, civil nuclear energy and dual-use technology.

Discussing their mutual goal for the U.S.-India relationship, and their joint objectives as strong long-standing democracies, the two leaders agreed on the betterment of the economy, energy and environment, democracy and development, non-proliferation and security, build closer ties in space exploration.

Recognizing the significance of civilian nuclear energy for meeting growing global energy demands in a cleaner and more efficient manner, the two leaders discussed India’s plans to develop its civilian nuclear energy program. On October 1, 2008 the US Senate gave its approval to the civilian nuclear agreement allowing India to purchase nuclear fuel and technology from the United States. President, George W. Bush, signed the legislation on the Indo-US nuclear deal, which got approved by the US Congress, into law, now called the United States-India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Non-proliferation Enhancement Act, on October 8, 2008.The agreement was signed by Indian External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherji and US Secretary of State, Condoleeza Rice.

Reasons for the agreement:
The civil nuclear agreement justifies a nuclear pact India and US considering the fact that it is important in helping to advance the non-proliferation framework by formally recognizing India’s strong non-proliferation record even though it has not signed the NPT. Nicholas Burns, the former Under secretary of Political affairs was one of the architects of the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal had expressed that India’s trust, its credibility, the fact that it has promised to create a state-of-the-art facility, monitored by the IAEA, to begin a new export control regime in place, was because it has not proliferated the nuclear technology. When he was asked whether the U.S. would offer a nuclear deal with Pakistan on the lines of the Indo-U.S. deal, he reportedly said he was unsure about Pakistan.

Economic Growth for India would be an advantage according to the US. Financially, the U.S. also expects that such a deal could spur India’s economic growth and bring in $150 billion in the next decade for nuclear power plants, of which the U.S. wants a share. Such investments are likely to be far less valuable economically or environmentally than a variety of other measures to increase electricity production in India. It has come to note that U.S. nuclear vendors cannot sell any reactors to India unless and until India establishes a credible liability pool to protect U.S. firms from being sued in the case of an accident or a terrorist act of sabotage on nuclear plants. There are also other strategic political reasons like using certain resources like thorium from India and the heavy influence of China on the world would be balanced by the Indo-US agreement.

The agreement is widely considered to help India fulfill its soaring energy demands and boost U.S. and India into a strategic partnership. The Pentagon speculates this will help ease global demand for crude oil and natural gas.

On August 3, 2007, when both the countries released the full text of the 123 agreement Nicholas Burns, the chief negotiator of the India-United States nuclear deal, said the U.S. has the right to terminate the deal if India tests a nuclear weapon and that no part of the agreement recognizes India as a nuclear weapons state. In India the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement was met with intense opposition by some political parties and activists. Although many mainstream political parties including the Congress (I) supported the deal along with DMK and Rashtriya Janata Dal its realization saw hurdles in the face of stiff political opposition in India .However, opposition and criticism continued at political levels.

The Samaj Wadi (SP) which was with the Left Front in opposing the deal changed its stand after discussing with ex-president of India and scientist Dr A P J Abdul Kalam. The Indian Government survived a vote of confidence by 275-256 after the Left Front withdrew their support to the government over this dispute. Parts of the agreement dealing with a guarantee to India supply of fuel or allowing India to maintain a strategic reserve of nuclear fuel appear to be contrary to what the Indian parliament was led to expect from the agreement.

On October 1, 2008 the US Senate voted to approve the Indo-US nuclear deal. The Arms Control Association said the agreement fails to clearly state that an Indian nuclear test would prompt the U.S. to cease nuclear trade. However, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that any nuclear test by India would result in the termination of US cooperation with India as well as other sanctions.
After Senate approval, US President George W. Bush said the deal would strengthen the global nuclear nonproliferation efforts, protect the environment, create jobs, and assist India in meeting its growing energy needs in a responsible manner. U S presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain as well as then-Vice Presidential candidate Joe Biden voted in support of the bill.

New Delhi, 2010, March 15:
The government set to move the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill in the Lok Sabha in the midst of fierce opposition from the (BJP) and the Left parties.
The nuclear liability bill seeks to cap and limit the liability for the operator of a nuclear plant in case of a mishap, and has set the maximum amount of liability in case of a nuclear accident at Rs.500 crore to be payment by the operator.

The legislation also plans on starting a commission, which will investigate and decide in the event there is an accident, the responsible party for the mistakes while trying to have clarity in responsibility.
Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Prithviraj Chavan will introduce the bill, according to sources in the Lok Sabha secretariat.

The passing of the bill in parliament is a crucial step for India to complete under the 123 civil nuclear agreements with the US. Private companies in the US are not willing to sell any nuclear equipment to India without the US government in imposing such laws.

Government sources say that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is keen to get the bill passed in parliament ahead of his US visit in April.

However, its passage in the lower house could be difficult given the fierce resistance by the Left and the main opposition BJP.The Left parties feel that the bill is harmful to the interests of India, while being advantageous to the US’s nuclear industry.
April 13, 2010

Washington, Apr.12: Leaders of forty seven countries attending the nuclear security summit here in Washington, DC, are discussing methods and means to prevent nuclear stockpiles from landing hands of terrorists hands, experts and are of the unanimous view that India continues to remain a clear winner in terms of the civil nuclear cooperation agreements it has signed with the US, France, Canada and Russia. It is also referred to as the Nuke deal.
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US recession and its effect on Indian economy

Saturday, April 17th, 2010

What’s the impact of the US recession on India? Get a grip on how it affects the local economy and the people in India.

The old saying “History doesn’t always repeat itself, but often rhymes”, is based more on fact than fiction. It’s been a lot of time we hear of “Recession” going on in US market. Everyone is talking about recession. We cling to newspapers, television news channels, and financial reports only to discover “what next” in recession. It would be naïve to imagine that a recession in the United States would have no impact on India. The United States accounts for one-fourth of the world GDP. The fears of a US recession led to panic in the Indian stock market.

The effects of the recession 2008 on India were quite distinct from those of the past. Here are some areas worth following:
1) In terms of specific sectors, the IT Enabled Services sector was the hit since a majority of Indian IT firms derive 75% or more of their revenues from the United States
2) The tourism sector was affected. Now is the time to aggressively promote health tourism. Given the availability of talented professionals, and with a distinct cost advantage, India can be the destination of choice for health tourism.
3) The manufacturing sector ramped up scale economies.

Since the first quarter of 2008, the United States of America started experiencing an economic recession. But apart from US the global economy faces the possibility of recession in 2009. The IMF predicts slower growth and a likely 2009 world recession. Countries include the UK, Australia, India, Japan, Germany and Spain will experience slower growth in the next year and a possible recession.

According to Governor of RBI, as India’s growth is mainly driven by domestic demand and consumption, the country would be less affected by the global financial turmoil, but it would not go completely unscathed. India’s growth will continue and even if there is some moderation, it will only be a modest moderation. But it will not be a recession and there will only be a slight deceleration. But India has to balance the concerns of maintaining price stability and sustaining growth. The word ‘recession’ is being frequently used in India in recent months despite the fact that the economy continues to grow and that even at 7 per cent in the current fiscal and perhaps 6 per cent in the next one, these will be amongst the better growth years for the Indian economy since independence

Jobs in recession and Indian youth
However, there is certainly a deep recession as far as jobs for the highly educated are concerned. Ironically, this may be the first time in India’s history when it is more difficult for the professional graduates to find employment or appropriate employment, compared to the less educated millions. The present job recession has also hit the aspiration level of the Indian youth. The myth of IT and the glamour if private jobs are all history now. Now in an age of pink slips and mounting recession, the Indian Youth is once again looking in public sectors for jobs. Once shunned for its non glam image and boredom, the youngsters today are choosing security of the government jobs over money in corporate sectors. The global financial meltdown and the serious job cut in the private sectors are making youth nervous, jittery about the present private office scenario.

And finally, a trickle has already begun of professionals of Indian origin returning to India as job opportunities dry up in the US and other developed economies. What should the newly graduating (and their parents) do? They have to start with the acceptance of this new ground reality that merely a professional degree even if it is from a top-10 or a top-25 institute is not enough to guarantee them a job of their choice. It is important for those who are in the job market today to understand that India’s economy is spread across India and not confined to the top eight or nine cities only. Hence, jobs are also spread across the entire urban and even rural India and, therefore, the employees must be willing to work from there.
Fiscal, monetary policies help India dodge recession, ’sprint’

Fiscal and monetary policies have helped India in dodging the recession and sustaining the economy. India named as a ’sprinter’, the downward trend in the country’s industrial output seemed to have ended, with a pick-up likely due to new infrastructure development.

Investor confidence in India had certainly improved, as reflected in the rapid increase in net capital inflows in the stock market during recent months. Sherman Chan, an economist, said in a note on the recovery of the Asia-Pacific region that amid increased sightings of green shoots, the bottom of the global downturn is now in sight China, India and Indonesia & have dodged recession and maintained strong growth despite the global turmoil.

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Amazing New Tamil Nadu Assembly’s Green Building

Saturday, April 17th, 2010

The grand TN Assembly complex is a new landmark at Chennai. The history of the site is as impressive as the building itself.

The Congress and DMK came together in an attempt to forge an alliance during the inaugural function of the Tamil Nadu Assembly complex. The three leaders heading the memorable day in March 2010 in Chennai were Prime Manmohan Singh, M.Karunanidhi and Sonia Gandhi. According to news sources during his address, the Prime Minister said that he often turned to Karunanidhi for advice and added that the UPA government had greatly benefited from the wisdom and leadership of the DMK chief M.Karunanidhi.

Sonia Gandhi too, described Karunanidhi as “a pillar of strength” for the UPA. She claimed that the new Assembly building embodies his wisdom, and spirit. Reiterating the DMK’s easygoing friendship with the Congress and gently reminding his national ally that he was a trustworthy friend, Karunanidhi said their firm resolve had defied all endeavors to create enmity between the two parties. For more than two decades a search has been ongoing to identify a suitable location for the Secretariat building.

When the decision to build a new Assembly building in the Omandurar Government Estate was taken in 2007, a new complex wrapped in old style was anticipated. A functional and grander version of the Valluvar Kottam in the city, a memorial for the Tamil poet Tiruvalluvar in the Dravidian style, was expected to be the preferred architectural language of the State government

The new Assembly building was expected to be known for the excellent architecture it showcases. This design has been short-listed and chosen out of three designs. The design and its architectural elements have a very aesthetic appeal. This seemingly difficult architectural desire — to have one face looking at the past and the other at the future — has been resolved relatively easily. The sharp-lined, elongated, granite-glass-metal clad “modern box” without ornamentation makes for the “modern.” And the dome on top, the iconic element that evokes the temple car at Valluvar Kottam, stands for the tradition. The design has incorporated the traditionally aesthetic values of kolam, or the geometric patterns unique to this region, that have been inscribed on the pillars.

What led to the idea of a new building?
During the M.G. Ramachandran regime in May 1983, the Chief Minister had made a decision to build a Secretariat building opposite Fort. St. George. Chennai at that point in time was suffering rampant scarcity of water, so MGR had the idea of shifting the administrative capital of the State to some place near Trichy, but the idea was not well received by the people of the state.

Nearly two decades later in May 2002, the Chief Minister, Jayalalitha declared that the government was considering a 2,000-acre administrative city near Mamallapuram. In 2003, the CMDA signed an agreement with the Construction Industry Development Board of Malaysia for a feasibility study of the project. After some consideration reportedly, the Lady Willingdon College campus, Chennai was chosen. But, since the area (about 15 acres) of the campus was lacking adequate space, along the same lines The Queen Mary’s college was also considered as an option, but this plan was discarded because of a variety of reasons both political and legal.

Five months later, the government decided to establish the Secretariat over an extent of 43 acres in Kotturpuram. The foundation stone for commencing the project was laid.

May 2007
The Assembly organized celebrations to mark the completion of 50 years of association of Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi with the legislature, and at this time the idea of constructing the Assembly-Secretariat complex was initiated. Mr. Karunanidhi laid the foundation stone in June 2008 and the site was formally handed over to the contractors five months later. It has been designed by German architects Gerkan, Marg and Partner who have won an international tender for building the state’s new legislative assembly house. GMP is a united venture of Meinhard von Gerkan and Volkwin Marg, who have planned and realized buildings in almost all major cities in Germany. The duo is famous worldwide for their magnificent designs in countries like Russia and China.

The new assembly complex has come up in the Omandurar Estate, which is a government guest house campus in the Chepauk area, in Chennai, Tamil Nadu.

The guest house, over 100 years old, was demolished. The Assembly-Secretariat complex has been designed as two blocks — Block ‘A’ and Block ‘B.’ The seven-storey Block ‘A’ houses the Legislative Assembly Hall and the Assembly Secretariat, besides the offices of the Governor, the Chief Minister, Ministers, the Chief Secretary and certain core departments such as Finance and Home. The cost of construction of this block has been revised at Rs. 450 crore. In December 2009, work on the construction of the seven-storey Block ‘B’commenced. With a cost estimate of Rs. 280 crore, the work was expected to be completed in 18 months.

This block accommodates several departments. The new building is a mixture of tradition and modern design.Karunanidhi has received a lot of praise for his idea of a new Assembly building that lets in plenty of ventilation and adheres at the same time to ‘ a green ‘environment. A 100-year-old heritage building here was demolished to make space for Tamil Nadu’s new assembly building.

The geometry of the complex’s structure, both in the ground plan and the elevation, is derived from the traditional, round chakra or mandala motif, consisting of circles of various sizes inscribed in 36 isosceles triangles. The internal plan features courtyard architecture with five round interior courts that are functionally differentiated, creating public, semi-public and also secure internal areas.

The spacious Citizens’ Forum on the south side of the building is created by the largest circle in the mandala. It is both the opening towards the city and the entrance area, with public functional areas. The three other round courtyards in the interior of the building house the Assembly Hall, the Legislative Assembly Chamber and the Convention Hall. The state parliament rests on a battered plinth and is landscaped all round. The glass dome over the Assembly Hall marks the seat of the Tamil parliament.
The Assembly building is an elliptical shaped structure with 4 internal circles and 6 external semi circles with a covered drive way all round the structure. The building has open space around the inner circle for better natmallighting and ventilation. The external face of the building is covered with structural glazing and granite cladding allowing natural day lighting. The building comprises of 4 circle namely CM circle, Library circle, Assembly circle, Plaza circle.

The building is about 285 m in length and 105 m width at plaza and 62 m at EM circle. It is 100 ft high with a 100 ft. height dome over it. The plinth area is 86458 Sq.m with ground floor and six floors. It is designed to withstand earth quake. It is designed to be a green building, to reduce pollution to environment through use of minimum electricity for lighting and air conditioning, use of building material manufactured by recycling, use of treated sewage water for gardening, landscaped covered drive way around building etc. Adequate fire detection and protection arrangements have been provided. It has 17 lifts and 15 staircases.

The ground floor of the plaza has the drop off point for MLA’ s for entering into the Assembly. The front side of the plaza has a water tank, transformers, generators and other service utilities. The first floor of plaza is an open area, with a diameter of 340 ft. and plinth area of 91800Sq .ft. It has a central cut out for growing trees apart from a ring shaped water body around the opening, pergola beams at third floor level supported by 3 floor height columns for aesthetic elevation. The plaza has a head room of 55 ft. at the entrance with ring shaped roof/floor at the fourth floor.

The Assembly hall is located in the ground floor of the Assembly circle, circular in shape with a diameter of 120 ft., head room of 100 ft. and 11 500 Sq.ft plinth area. The Assembly has galleries around the Assembly hall in the ground, first and second floors for VIP guests, press reporters, other visitors respectively. The hall is provided with stepped false ceiling, acoustic wall paneling and ornamental lighting. The roof is covered by a 100 ft. height steel dome with gold colour aluminium plates and polished granite. The external lighting is provided for the dome for night illumination.

The Conference hall is located in ground floor of Library circle. The hall is circular in shape having 90 ft. diameter, 30 ft. head room and 6540 Sq.ft plinth area ,with a seating capacity of 250. The hall is provided with modern stepped false ceiling and acoustic wall paneling. The dining hall is located in ground floor of CM circle. The hall is circular in shape having 65 ft. diameter. 30 ft. head room and 3400 Sq.ft plinth area.

His Excellency Governor’s room, Chief Minister’s executive room, Speaker, Dy. Speaker, Party leaders room, party office; Assembly Secretary room are housed in ground floor.

Assembly Library is located in third floor of Library circle. Roof garden is laid in fifth floor of Library circle and sixth floor of CM circle. The Ministers’ rooms and Secretarys’ rooms are housed in third to sixth floor of CM and Library circle. The rooms for the Chief Minister, Dy.Chief Minister, CM’s Secretaries, Chief Secretary are housed in sixth floor and Library circle. Offices of the Assembly, Home , Finance, Public ,Law and P&AR department are housed in first floor to sixth floor of Assembly and Plaza circle.

The plinth area for the ground Floor is 17,455Sq.m (1,87,955 Sq.ft). The same for the first floor is 1,274Sq.m (l,21,398Sq.ft), second floor 11,061 Sq.m (1,19,105 Sq.ft), third Floor is 10,137 Sq.m (1,09,155 Sq.ft), fourth floor is 11,061Sq.m (1,19,105 Sq.ft), fifth floor 12,595Sq.m (1,35,623 Sq.ft), sixth floor 12,088 Sq.m (1,30,164 Sq.ft) and terrace 787 Sq.m ( 8,474 Sq.ft)

The height of the building is 60.50 m (198.44 ft.) with 1676 number of piles and 475 number of columns.

The new Assembly building has become the first Assembly building in the world to be designed and constructed as a green building, as certified by the Indian Green Building Council (IGBC). The entire building would be a non-smoking zone to ensure the health and safety of occupants. All adhesives, sealants, paints and coatings used in the building have less volatile organic compounds that are harmful to humans. The building has been designed to provide thermal comfort to the occupants as per international standards.
This building will be able to house more than 300 lawmakers. The new Assembly complex is, then, also a symbol of the new approach to governance and it reaches out to all. It is a majestic building that totally showcases the tremendous development that Chennai has undergone in last decade. The design echoes the structural features of Dravidian temple complexes in south India.

The demolition of the old building has also raised certain concerns. While the new complex is catching people’s attention, it also raises concerns about traffic congestion. Though enhanced security is a positive aspect, traffic jams would increase and thus increase congestions and delay commute time. There is a debate about the whole project being extravagant and wastage of public money.
Almost all sections have praised the Chief Minister for creating a green building that allows maximum use of sunlight and stops wastage of electricity.

March, 2010
The new Legislative Assembly building in Chennai has recently been awarded LEED Gold certification from the Indian Green building council. The Chief Minister reportedly congratulated the officials for achieving the Green rating. Using less water, less energy, preserving natural resources, generating less wastage and providing healthier environment for the occupants, this building is a model to set the tone for future developments.

Dream Dare Win

www.jeywin.com

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Telengana Movement – root cause and the present scenario

Monday, April 12th, 2010

The controversy over Telengana and the demands are nothing new. Why did the call for separate states find people’s support? Read this comprehensive report.

The Telengana Movement refers to the political movement to create a new state of Telengana, and to separate it from Andhra Pradesh in South India. In 1956, the Central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh, but later discontentment grew and the agitations in 1969 saw a need in Telengana people for a separate state. During the 1990 s the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) promised a separate state for Telengana if they were elected to power. BJP created Jharkhand, Uttarkhand and Chattisgarh, but its intent of creating a separate Telengana was opposed by the TDP, Telugu Desam party. By 2000 new life was brought in to the separate Telengana State Movement. Telengana contributes to 76% of the state’s revenue excluding central government contribution.

Telangana region comprises of Hyderabad, Adilabad, Karimnagar, Khammam, Mahaboobnagar, Medak, Nalgonda, Nizamabad, RangaReddy and Warangal districts. This region is one of the least developed regions in India. Poverty, illiteracy, child labor, farmer suicides, unemployment, water scarcity and electricity shortage are some of the problems the people of this region face. There are several people who are not financially equipped to send their children to schools or feed their children adequately. The Telengana issue is not a recent one.   The immense landscape of Telengana, the Telugu speaking part of the Nizamat of Hyderabad has for a long time been a scene of struggle. After nearly four decades of struggle for a separate state, the Telangana issue has reached a culminating point. Under the leadership of K Chandrasekhar Rao, Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS)is trying to convince the Centre to have a separate state called Telengana.This is causing a political crisis in the state of Andhra Pradesh.

Between 1946 and 1951 it had witnessed a Communist led peasant uprising against aggressive landlords. After nearly a decade it again saw the reawakening of the demand for Vishalandhra, the unification of all Telugu speaking regions. Having initially refused to the demands of Potti Sreeramulu, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru gave in when the Telugu hero sacrificed his life through a fast unto death for the sake of his demands for linguistic states after Independence. Andhra Pradesh was created in1956, but there were unheeded fears that gripped many people.

The economy of Telengana was less developed, but it had a larger revenue base than the rest of the proposed state. The States Reorganization Commission (SRC) had a lot of concerns about this merger. The fear that the dams being built over the Krishna and Godavari rivers impacting the Telengana region’s interests and also the concern that the people of Andhra would have an advantage of securing better jobs than the people of Telengana was a concern that the SRC had.

As predicted , Hyderabad as the State capital attracted large numbers  of  settlers from coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions of the State migrating from the  delta. Land was the most coveted investment for many rich families.  It was easily acquired due to the fact  that  Telangana had developed very  little under a feudal dispensation Gradually  the region came to be populated  by “non-natives”. Resentment spread, particularly among students, who were most concerned about unemployment.

The SRC warned the nation of the dangers involved in reorganizing the Indian states solely on linguistic considerations. One of the rational criteria recommended by the Commission to reject the theory of ‘one language one state’ which is neither justified on grounds of linguistic uniformity, because there can be more than one state speaking the same language without offending the linguistic principle, nor common sense directed, since different language groups, including the vast Hindi speaking population of the Indian Union, cannot always be consolidated to form distinct linguistic units”. Additionally,   a massive revolt of the people of the region in 1968-69 demanding separation of Telangana from the state of Andhra Pradesh took place. Apparently the Prime Minister of the time, Jawaharlal Nehru, did not favor the idea of merging Telangana with the Andhra state. He ridiculed the demand for Visalandhra as an idea bearing a “tint of expansionist imperialism”. Yet, paradoxically, the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed on 1st November 1956 – ignoring the wishes of people of Telangana, against a categorical recommendation of the SRC and contrary to Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru’s ideas. The merger of Telangana with Andhra was, however, not without conditions.. It was facilitated by a number of sincere promises made and constitutional safeguards afforded to the people of the region as a protective barrier against the possible exploitation in the enlarged state. They were made many times (and were also broken many times).  Jawaharlal Nehru himself compared it with a matrimonial alliance having “provision for divorce” if there was no amicability between the partners. As feared, nothing could prevent the successive governments from exploiting this region in every spear – economic, political, administrative, cultural and linguistic.

The Gentlemen’s Agreement was obviously of little help.  Protests by students in 1968 escalated with demands for the right implementation of the agreement. The Telengana agitation of 1969 attracted unlikely supporters who were members of the Congress Legislation in the region. Led by Marri Channa Reddy, one of the members of the (TPS) Telengana Praja Samithi   the agitation reached new heights. The TPS won the 1971 mid-term elections. The victory was a brief one as Channa Reddy made sure the TPS merged    with Congress. P.V.Narasimha Rao replaced K.Brahmananda Reddy as Chief Minister.

Following this development two packages were announced by the Prime minister   Indira Gandhi, which were known as the Eight Point Formula and Five Point Formula. When the effectiveness of these packages were being designed the Supreme Court of India gave a historic judgment validating, the Mulki Rules. This judgment upheld the rule of reserving employment and educational opportunities available in Telangana exclusively for the residents of this region. But the political elite of Andhra region did not find favor with these corrective measures. The result was another agitation for a separate Andhra state. It is referred to as Jai Andhra Movement. Venkaiah Naidu and Chandrababu Naidu were at the forefront of this movement, as it is recalled. The Indian government yielded to the pressure of political might and financial power of the majority in the region and, by an act of parliament, nullified almost all the safeguards given to the people of Telangana including the annulment of judgment of the highest judicial authority of the country on Mulki Rules.  An alternative called Six Point Formula, a diluted form of safeguards, was imposed on the people. Even this formula has been, and continues to be, violated with impunity, robbing the people of Telangana of whatever little was left in the name of safeguards. All these exercises ultimately turned out to be futile as they were, at best, attempts to treat the symptoms rather than the illness. Consequently, the exploitation of the region and its people continued (and still continues) unabated under the patronage of political leadership irrespective of the region it hailed from and irrespective of the party it belonged to. In this process the so called concept of Telugu Brotherhood has become an empty rhetoric placing the people of Telangana in an extremely difficult position. Deprived of their legitimate share in the fruits of development, limited in the political process and administrative setup, looked down on the cultural and linguistic fronts they are virtually reduced to the status of second-rate citizens in their own homeland. Thus, the demand for a separate state continues to prevail.

The following paragraphs present a comparative account of development in this region achieved in some of the vital sectors. The sources of such information are the reports published by the state government and other official agencies. It is to be noted in this context that when the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed there were only two recognized regions – Andhra and Telangana – since Rayalaseema was considered a part of Andhra. After the Andhra Agitation of 1972 and the resultant imposition of Six Point Formula, the state was divided into seven zones, within the framework of three regions, namely, Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema, and Telangana, treating the capital city as a separate entity. The rationale underlying this decision was to make the capital city equally accessible to the people living in all parts of the state. and less  accessible to the people of Telangana  Region. The main factors that generally form a basis for evolving strategies of development of a region are its geographical area and population, besides resource endowment and levels of development already achieved. Geographically, Telangana is the largest region of the state covering 41.47% of its total area, while Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema encompass 33.75% and 24.51%, respectively. It is inhabited by 40.54% of the state’s population, coastal Andhra accounting for 41.69% and Rayalaseema for 17.77%. The contribution of Telangana to the state’s revenues has all along been more than 50%. The region is literally encircled by two major rivers of south India, Krishna and Godavari, and their respective tributaries. It is one of the largest coal producing areas of the region.

The Development of this region:

A comparative picture of development that has taken place in different sectors over the last 47 years, highlight the imbalances that are persisting in the development levels between different regions of the state. Irrigation continues to be continues to be, the raw deal meted out to the region regarding the allocation and utilization of river waters. It is, however, not an unexpected development. It has happened as was feared at the time of merging Telangana with Andhra. The States Reorganization Commission also noted this fact by observing: “When plans for future development are taken into account, Telangana fears that the claims of this area may not receive adequate consideration in Vishalandhra. The Nandikonda and Kushtapuram (Godavari) projects are, for example, among the most important which Telangana or country as a whole has undertaken. Irrigation in the coastal deltas of these two great rivers is, however, also being planned. Telangana, does not wish to forego its present independent rights in relation to the utilization of the waters of the Krishna and the Godavari”. (SRC Report: Para 377) Telangana is encircled by two major rivers of south India i.e., Krishna and Godavari. Within the state of Andhra Pradesh, 68.5% of catchments area of river Krishna and 69% of catchments area of river Godavari are in the Telangana region. If the water sources of almost every acre of cultivable land available in Telangana could be provided with assured irrigation facilities and every village could be provided with assured drinking water facilities, it would be beneficial to the Telengana people. Unfortunately that right has been denied to them too, according to reports. The water allocation for the projects in Telengana has been only 32%.

As a result, the land which was to be irrigated by this facility has become more or less a desert. All this is happening with the connivance of people in authority. Consequently, out of nearly 35 lakh acres being irrigated under the projects built on river Krishna, maybe 5 lakh acres get benefited in the Telangana region and the rest in the other regions. While this is the scenario regarding the region-wise utilization of Krishna waters the powers that be are contemplating to construct Pulichintala on the down stream of Nagarjuna Sagar to further augment irrigation facilities in the already developed Krishna delta. This project will immensely benefit the coastal districts while the Telangana will not reap any benefits. It is at this stage that the question of allocation of Krishna waters between Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh is being reviewed.  The allocation and utilization of Krishna waters among three regions within the state of Andhra Pradesh is also being reviewed. If the unfairness of the past is not rectified by reallocating water, it will inflict immense damage especially on the Telangana region which would be beyond future repair. Therefore, the people of Telangana are insisting that before going to the new tribunal the state should sort out the issues involving allocation of waters between different regions of the state. But, the state government argues that we should not take up the problem of internal allocation at this stage. First we should protect the interest of the state and sort out inter-regional problems later. This argument fails to convince   anybody not only in the Telangana region but also in the Rayalaseema region. Well and tank irrigation issues are equally bad. The other two major projects proposed on river Godavari are Ichampally and Polavaram. Ichampally is meant for Telangana and Polavaram for Coastal Andhra.  It apparently   appears to be fair but the facts are different. The irrigation potential of Polavaram Project would be 6 to 7 times more than the irrigation potential of Ichampally. Further, Ichampally is going to be primarily a power project because of the inter-state issues involved. If that happens, Ichampally would ultimately become a balancing reservoir to ensure a perennial flow of water into Polavaram first and Dawaleswaram next. Consequently Telangana would be permanently impacted negatively.

The other crucial problem in Telengana is the topic of literacy. This has happened because of uneven distribution of educational facilities in different regions of the state. The important point to be kept in view in this regard is the percentage of population spread over different regions of the state, i.e. Coastal Andhra 41.69%, Rayalaseema 17.77% and Telangana 40.54%. This is necessary to assess the adequacy or otherwise of the facilities of education created vis-à-vis the size of population and the levels of literacy achieved

Primary Education: The data chosen for this analysis pertains to the year 2001- the latest made available by the government. During this period there were 60, 60,394 students in the state enrolled in the primary schools run by the government, local bodies and private managements (aided and unaided). The region-wise breakup is: Coastal Andhra 27, 57,269 (45.50%), Rayalaseema 13, 02,673 (21.49%), Telangana 20, 00,452 (33.01%). It should be realized that unaided primary schools do not reflect endeavor of the government, and if such institutions were not taken into account the position would be much worse in Telangana. Private colleges getting grant-in-aid from the government are playing a crucial role in collegiate education in the state. The state government has been admitting year after year several private colleges into grant-in-aid.  It is obvious that the share of Telangana continues to be lowest, i.e. less than 20% in the total quantum of grant-in-aid.  This is happening despite the claim of the government that it is trying to remove inequalities and do justice to Telangana Universities It is very often argued that all the state-level and national-level universities located in the capital city belong to the Telangana region. The question arises as to what benefit this region has derived from their location in Hyderabad. belongs to Telangana? The staff allocation   is not even 10%. Further, some of the state-level and national-level universities are located in the other regions of the state as well, but none in Telangana districts. The Osmania University alone stands out here because of its location in the capital city of Hyderabad.

There are six universities, two in each of the three regions, with their jurisdiction restricted to the regions concerned. In addition to the six universities with regional jurisdiction there are seven more universities with their jurisdiction over the entire state. None of these universities is located in Telangana region. Of these seven universities, the University of Health Sciences is located in Coastal Andhra, the Women’s University and University of Dravidian Languages is situated in the Rayalaseema region. The other four universities, i.e. Agricultural University, Technological University, Open University and Telugu University are in the capital city. Agricultural and Technological Universities have campuses and colleges in the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions as well, but no such campus or college exists in Telangana districts. It may be recalled that the Technological University was actually started in Warangal but was subsequently shifted to Hyderabad under the pretext of locating all state-level universities in the capital city. Similarly, the Open University was originally launched at Nagarjuna Sagar in Nalgonda district but was later shifted to Hyderabad again under the pretext of locating this state-level university in the capital city. There are two more institutions of higher learning, deemed to be universities namely the Nizam’s Institute of Medical Sciences and Sri Venkateshwara Institute of Medical Sciences. The former is in the capital city and the latter is at Tirupati in the Rayalaseema region. In addition, a Sanskrit University funded by the government of India and Satya Sai Institute of Higher Learning, a deemed university in private sector, also are in the Rayalaseema region. There are three more institutions in the capital city that are fully funded by the University Grants Commission.

The University of Hyderabad established in the year 1975 as a result of the Six Point Formula. The primary objective of establishing this university in Hyderabad was to augment the facilities of university education to compensate, partially, the loss sustained by the Telangana region under Six Point Formula. But no one, neither in the government nor in the university, seems to remember this fact of history and thereby the very purpose of starting this university has been defeated. Today the University of Hyderabad is as good -or as bad- as any other central university in the country in so far as giving preferential treatment to any particular region in matters of admission of student and recruitment of staff is concerned. Consequently, out of 21 universities and university-level institutions funded either by the state government or the federal government or self-financed, 3 are located in Coastal Andhra districts, 7 in Rayalaseem districts, 10 in the capital city and only 1 in Telangana districts. Location of a university in a district place facilitates and contributes to the development of that area. For instance, the University of Health Sciences has considerably improved the medical facilities in and around Vijayawada city, besides providing employment opportunities to the locals. Similarly the University of Dravidian Languages has changed the very face of Kuppam village in the Rayalaseema region. Telangana districts are deprived of such facilities and that raises questions in people’s minds.

Dec 11, 2009

Andhra Pradesh was thrown into turmoil when Congress set in motion the act of separating Telengana. The Praja Rajyam party headed by movie actor Chiranjeevi  supported Telengana but later changed its stance. The chief minister Y.S.Rajashekar Reddy was all for making it a separate state, but later changed his mind. He died in a helicopter crash during bad weather in September 2009.The movement by Telengana picked up impetus and student organizations, employee unions and others joined the movement.

The Union Minister of Home Affairs, Mr. Chidambaram announced that the government would soon start the process of creating a separate Telengana state. He said that the process was already   started with Chief Minister K.Rosaiah leading the movement.

The Central government has set-up a five-member committee headed by Justice B.N. Srikrishna to oversee the modalities of forming the separate State of Telangana. The deadline for the committee is till December 31, 2010 before which time the committee should consult all sections of the society and submit report. The terms of reference of the committee are:

  • Examine the situation in Andhra Pradesh with reference to demand for separate Telangana State, as well as the demand for maintaining the present status of a united Andhra Pradesh.
  • Review developments in the State since its formation and their impact on the progress and development of different regions of the State.
  • Examine the impact of recent developments in the State on different sections of people such as women, children, students, minorities, OBCs, SC and STs.
  • Consult all sections of people, especially political parties and elicit their views on a range of solutions that would resolve the present difficult situation.
  • Identify the key issues that must be addressed.
  • Consult organisations of other civil societies such as industries, trade unions, farmer organisations, women students.
  • Make any other suggestion and recommendations that the committee may deem appropriate.

But this committee was opposed with vehemence by the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), which has been spearheading the statehood agitation. They are in protest saying that that their MPs, MLAs and MLCs would resign. The TRS chief claims that the Centre had once again cheated the people of Telangana by backtracking on its December 9, 2009 statement announcing initiation of the process for formation of separate State.

Still the committee finds favour with the leaders from coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions who claim that they welcome the terms of reference, which according to them are fairly balanced. It would give them an opportunity for a thorough assessment of the ground situation.

The entire state of Andhra is in turmoil, violence has erupted many times and political parties are divided about this issue. According to latest updates major IT Companies are trying to shift their offices to Chennai and Vishakapatnam.The Sri Krishna panel will take the views public and political parties and look deeper into these issues.

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Global Warming – the Copenhagen Summit

Monday, April 12th, 2010

Global warming can be defined as the increase of the average temperature on Earth. As the Earth gets hotter natural disasters like floods, earthquakes and hurricanes get more frequent. In the last century, measurements of temperature taken by instruments on land and sea have revealed that during the 20 century the Earth’s surface and lower part of the atmosphere has seemed to have warmed up by an average of 0.6 Centigrade. Green house gases emissions that are man made like nitrous oxide, carbon di oxide and methane   have increased because of deforestation and burning fossil fuels for transportation and energy uses. This causes damage to plants and can hurt animals and human beings to the extent of their dying because they cannot tolerate the climate changes.

GREENHOUSE EFFECT: When the heat and light from the sun is trapped in the atmosphere, the temperature rises and this is called the greenhouse effect. Sometimes temperature can change in a way that helps us. The greenhouse effect makes the Earth an appropriate place for us to live on; the same benefit is for animals and plants too. Without it the Earth would be either freezing or very hot, but excessive greenhouse gas emissions can harm us. If the climate gets to extreme conditions of heat or freezing because of global warming crops cannot grow, animals cannot live and as a result our food supply will lessen and cause human extinction. It affects oceans and life in the oceans. All ecosystems on Earth will be affected dangerously.

These are some of the concerns about global warming that are discussed worldwide regularly. Nations have reached agreements to reduce the impact of greenhouse emissions by an average of five per cent between the period 2008-2012.The Framework Convention on Climate Change 1992 and the Kyoto Protocol 1997 represent the first steps taken by the international committee to protect the climate on Earth from deadly man made inventions. By adopting the concept of sustainable development which can be defined as development today that will not affect future developments steps can be taken to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and thereby reduce the danger of global warming.

COP 15, COPENHAGEN

UN Climate Change Conference 2009

The Copenhagen Summit was held at the Bella Centre  in Copenhagen, Denmark  between December 7-18, 2009.The Conference included the  15th conference of the parties COP 15  and   the 5th Meeting of  the  parties  (COP/MOP 5 )  to the  Kyoto Protocol. A framework for climate change mitigation beyond 2012 was to be agreed upon there by the nations  of the  UNFCCC.In May 2009, the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon  attended the World Business Summit on Climate Change  in Copenhagen  and   organized by the COC  and requested  its  councilors  to attend  the New York ‘s Climate Week at the Summit  on Climate Change on September  22, and discuss the  issue of climate problems with the different heads of government. The President of the Summit till December 16, 2009 was Connie Hedegaard, before she handed over the position to the Danish Prime Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen during discussions between heads of states and governments.

USA, China, India, S.Africa and Brazil   drafted the Copenhagen Accord and it was considered to be a meaningful agreement on December 18th by the US government. According to BBC news sources the COP 15 resulted in a document called the Copenhagen Accord. The conference as a whole just took note of it, but did not commit to adopt it. On a positive note for the first time in political history many nations like China and the US united in an effort to curb greenhouse emissions and bring about climate change. The Accord says that developed nations will aim to   mobilize about 100 billion dollars by 2020 and this is to address the needs of less developed countries. On the other hand the summit failed to result in a legally binding deal on the parts of countries as to what they would actually do to reduce greenhouse emissions by 2050. The Accord is not clear about how global targets will be achieved, for emission reductions and how the goal of spending 100 billion dollars on developing nations would be achieved.

According to Fox news, President  Obama called it a meaningful beginning to  a new global consensus towards limiting green house gas emissions, but acknowledged that the talks failed to produce a legally binding pact, and doing so any time would be very hard.

Each nation pledged to meet future pollution reduction targets, but the agreement reached is not a treaty and has no internal or external enforcement mechanism, according to news sources. Due to be approved by 193 countries, the deal seeks to reduce greenhouse gas emissions sufficiently to prevent temperature hikes of not more than 2 degrees centigrade by 2020. The details about how nations would go about achieving their individual goals remain unclear and fluid.

A core group of top economic nations, according to news sources are due to vote informally on the text before it is presented to the members of the 193 nations gathered for the most intense talks in global pollution history.

Achievements of the Summit according to BBC.

  • Several world leaders present to discuss a single issue on the agenda. This is truly significant historically.
  • Climate change has been singled out as   central to political thinking globally.
  • Awareness of public about the climate has increased.
  • Both developed and developing countries have announced low carbon economic plans that are now moving forward.

What the Summit did not achieve, according to news sources.

  • There seems to be no quantified target  for reduction of emissions, like a certain percentage at the end of 2050.Targets are yet to be announced and they might be at the lower end of what has been promised.
  • Nations do not seem to want to be answerable to anybody but themselves.
  • For the first time actions by nations can be assessed globally, but there is no verification of the undertaken actions in the developing countries unless they are paid for by the developed nations.

The Accord states that it will aim to reduce global warming  to 2 C above industrial temperature standards but it  is not clear as to how this will be achieved  by 2050.The deal as of today leaves a pathway  for the temperature in the world to reach 3C and above.

A review of progress will be made in 2015 which will offer opportunities to make any adjustments of targets.

Dec 2009-The British Met Office has predicted 2010 to be the warmest year on record. Man made climate change will be a factor and natural weather patterns would contribute less to 2010’s temperatures compared to 1998, current warmest recorded temperatures in the world. However, according to news sources experts are divided on the prediction.

Apart from countries unitedly working towards the goals of the COP 15 Summit, citizens of the world can become more aware and do their part in this global issue, by adopting small changes even in day to day living.

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Mohammad Ajmal Amir Kasab Trial – 26/11 Mumbai Attack

Monday, April 12th, 2010

Shajakhan

November 26, 2008-November 29, 2008.

Mumbai, India’s most prominent city witnessed massive, coordinated  shootings  and  bombings  that  destroyed landmark buildings  and  killed  nearly  173 people and  injured  at least 308 people. This dastardly act invited worldwide condemnation of terrorism. Most of the attacks occurred in South Mumbai involving places like The Taj Mahal Palace and Tower, The Oberoi Trident, the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, Cama Hospital, Nariman House, Leopold Café, the Metro Cinema and St.Xavier’s College. The attack spread over 3 days, involving a tense hostage situation.

April 2010

After a year long wait for justice India witnessed the trial of Ajmal Kasab, the Pakistani gunman and his two accomplices come to a conclusion on March 31 2010.

Special Judge M.L.Tahaliyani reserved his judgement after the prosecution and defense councils  wrapped up their final arguments  and said that the verdict would be pronounced on May 3, 2010. If the accused are pronounced guilty, the court would call upon the prosecution and defense lawyers to put forth their arguments on the quantum of sentence. As many as 653 witnesses were brought to the stand to prove their case that Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba carried out the dastardly attacks by dispatching 10 Jihadi terrorists from Karachi. The NSG (National Security Guard), commandos who led the teams to fight the terrorists, were also called to the witness stand.

A separate court was established in the high security Arthur Central jail to hear the case. On April 17, 2009 Kasab pleaded before the court that he was a juvenile but it was proved soon that he was over 20 years of age. On May 8th 2009, the first witness stepped into the box claiming to have seen Kasab gunning down sub inspector Tukaram Ombale at Girgaum, Chowpatty.

After examining 653 witnesses including 30 eyewitnesses, special public prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam opened arguments, saying that there was evidence to suggest that the security apparatus of Pakistan was involved in the attacks on India’s financial capital, Mumbai.

Some days later, American LeT operative  David Headley, in a plea bargain before a Chicago court  revealed that some officers in the Pakistani Army were also involved in the Mumbai terror strikes on November 26,2008. Nikam ‘s arguments  continued for 13 days before  the trial court and he  filed  a 675  page submission in writing. Kasab’s counsel K.P.Pawar argued for 3 days, while R.B.Mokashi and Ejaz Naqvi appeared for  Kasab’s  co-accused Indian  accomplices Ansari and Sabahuddin Ahmed.

According to news sources many witnesses including survivors, police, eyewitnesses, victims’ family members, foreign nationals and even FBI officials testified.

Kasab – besides two Indian co-accused Fahim Ansari and Sabahuddin Ahmed – was kept in the high-security Arthur Road Central Jail. The state government took special precautions  to ensure their  safety.

The trial started with several obstacles because initially, lawyers refused to take up his case, compelling the court to appoint a lawyer from the State Legal Aid Committee. First, criminal lawyer Anjali Waghmare was appointed for him but was later disqualified since she was also defending some of the victims.

After more delay, S.G. Abbas Kazmi was appointed Kasab’s lawyer, and he went about his job professionally. He and Kasab  conveyed that at the time of the attacks, Kasab was  a minor and so he should be tried in juvenile court.

Caught completely off-guard, the prosecution decided there should not be a repeat of such issues and settled Kasab’s age issue with medical help once and for all – that he was indeed a major at the time of the attacks.

Early in the trial, he was severely reprimanded by the court for giggling and laughing away in the court during the serious proceedings.

On one occasion he complained of severe stomach and almost collapsed in the court. Then, he demanded new clothes to wear, he even complained about the food served in the jail. His requests for many things were rejected, according to reports.

Kasab exhibited a range of emotions- at times   jovial and cheerful often, crying at times, shocked and awed when he was shown some of the evidences or by the accounts of the witnesses during the trial.

In July, Kasab made  headlines by confessing to his crimes in the 26/11 attacks and making a plea to be hanged. He gave chilling accounts of his part in the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks.

Later, he demanded a trial in an international court of justice, saying he lacked faith in the Indian  justice system, while co-accused Ansari demanded video-recording of the entire trial.

The special judge promptly dismissed the pleas on grounds that they were ‘mischievous’ and intended to ‘delay the proceedings’.

Special Judge Tahaliyani has been grudgingly credited with taking all care to prevent any unnecessary delays.

Besides Nikam, the defence lawyers, including Kasab’s latest lawyer K.P. Pawar, Ansari’s lawyer R.B. Mokashi and Ahmed’s lawyer Ejaz Naqvi also completed their final arguments Wednesday.

Kasab has been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including waging war against the nation. Besides, he faces charges under the Explosives Act, Arms Act, Passport Act, Prevention of Damage to Public Properties Act, Customs Act, Explosive Substances Act, Bombay Police Act, Foreigners Act, Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

On 3.05.2010, a special court has held Ajmal Kasab – the lone surviving terrorist from the 26/11 Mumbai attacks – guilty of murdering 7 people, abetting the murder of 159, conspiracy and of waging war against the nation. He has also been found guilty of kidnapping and hurting public officials.

The court held that 26/11 was a war against India. It will hear arguments on quantum of sentence on 4.05.2010. If a death sentence is handed out against Kasab, the case will automatically go the Mumbai High Court. The accused too has recourse to appeal in the Mumbai High Court and further to the Supreme Court.

Importantly, the two Indians accused, Faheem Ansari and Sabauddin Ahmed, have been found not guilty of the charges against them. The two were alleged to have prepared the maps of terror targets and passed them on to the LeT for execution of their diabolic plan, but the court found the evidence against them weak. The judge lambasted the police for shoddy investigation against the two and said, “Google has better maps.”

On the killing of Mumbai’s top cops, the verdict says Additional Commissioner of Police Ashok Kamte was killed by Kasab’s partner Abu Ismail. It was not clear who killed Anti-Terrorist Squad chief Hemant Karkare and senior Inspector Vijay Salaskar.

Kasab, who was in court when the judgment was delivered, barely reacted to the guilty verdict. The court said 26/11 was a war against India and that the plot was hatched in Pakistan. It has named Lashkar leaders Hafeez Saeed and Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi among the guilty who are absconding.

The court said circumstantial evidence proved the terrorists had handlers in Pakistan and that Saeed and Lakhvi were among 20 people involved in the conspiracy.

Eye-witness testimonies and Kasab’s confession played a major part in the court reaching its verdict. These, CCTV footage, photographs, mobile records and forensic evidence had been stacked up against Kasab. Yet, it’s not his involvement alone that the prosecution fought to establish, but the Pakistan link too.

Ujjwal Nikam, the Public Prosecutor for the 26/11 trial, said before the verdict that the focus must be on the larger picture, “Not only from Kasab’s evidence but also from other circumstantial evidence one can draw irrefutable and irresistible inference that some Pakistani army persons are involved in this place…David Headley has also admitted same thing, naming certain Pakistani Army people. So one thing is very clear that the security apparatus in Pakistan is behind the attack on 26/11.”

Though Kasab’s turnarounds have surprised few, this largely open-and-shut case is a landmark in more ways than one. Catching a terrorist alive while he was attacking, piecing together the terror puzzle and then winding up the case within a year have been significant achievements.

But the biggest setback, perhaps, that the masterminds are still at large.

For today, the focus is on Ajmal Kasab. This is the man the nation saw gunning down innocents. He may be a foot soldier in the larger plot, but his being found guilty is at least a symbolic justice.

The verdict comes 17 months after Kasab and nine other terrorists from Pakistan unleashed 62 hours of death and destruction on the country’s financial capital on November 26, 2008.

Mohammad Ajmal Amir Kasab “shall be hanged by neck till he is dead.”  Pronouncing these words, the Special Sessions Court in Mumbai on 6.5.2010 sentenced to death the lone surviving gunman of the November 26, 2008 Mumbai terror attacks.

Kasab was given the death penalty on five counts: murder, abetment to murder, waging war, criminal conspiracy and committing terrorist acts.

He was also awarded life imprisonment on five counts: attempt to murder in furtherance of a common intention, kidnapping and abducting in order to murder, conspiracy to wage war, collecting arms with the intention of waging war and causing explosion thus endangering life and property.

“You have been given the death penalty for murdering Indian citizens, police officers, conspiring with Lashkar leaders and committing terrorist acts. The court has said while giving the judgment that you shall be hanged unto death,” Mr. Tahaliyani, the Judge told Kasab.

The Indian Penal Code Sections under which Kasab has been given death penalty are: 302 (murder), 302 read with 120 B (criminal conspiracy), 121 (waging war), 302 read with 34 (common intention) and 302 read with 109 (abetment) read with 120 B.

In addition, he has been given death for the offence punishable under Section 16 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. For the other offences, he was awarded rigorous imprisonment, simple imprisonment and imposed with fines.

Special Public Prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam told reporters that a confirmation of the death penalty from the Bombay High Court was awaited. Kasab would continue to be housed at the high security Arthur Road jail till further orders by the government.

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